The proposal was prepared by the Working Group of the Council on historical memory and transferred to the President of the Russian Federation at a meeting Feb. 1, 2011 in Yekaterinburg. In practice, this plan only applets, indicating the main directions of its development. Many items applets require detail, a number of proposals asking fixing regulations. The working group is looking for development programs from all truly interested in this topic professionals.
Without the development of public awareness of the catastrophic experience of in the XX century, the movement seems unfeasible Russian society to the real modernization. Historical experience shows that modernization can be successful only in the case where both the state elite, and society in general are one plainclothes sense of responsibility to history. And that feeling, the feeling of responsibility of the owner of the country, in turn unimaginably revive hiding — not so much from the outside world, but from ourselves — the truth about what our people did to himself in the XX century. Hiding the truth about the past robs us of the ability of the state self-esteem, without which we will never make the preconditions for true patriotism, and the means and the debate on the modernization remain good intentions.
One of the important ways to overcome the mutual alienation of the people and the elite, is the full recognition of the XX century Russian disaster, victims and consequences of the totalitarian regime, ruled by the Soviet Union in the area for most of this century. "Totalitarianism tried to encroach on Russia's openness, and it threatened or delusions of exceptionalism, a mix of self-deprecation, — said in 1996 the first President Boris Yeltsin. — Democracy protects against this threat. Safeguarding the freedom and openness, it allows people "be yourself". " The recognition of the evils of totalitarianism can be the foundation for the rise of society and the country.
First and main — the modernization of consciousness Russian society through the recognition of the disaster the people of the totalitarian regime. Assisting in creating a sense of community responsibility for themselves, for their country. With all of this — with the main focus on the prosecution of those not of our Protz, who created the genocide, the destruction of faith and morals, and to respect and perpetuate the memory of the victims of the regime. Closing civilian war started in 1917
Second — providing support for the country's modernization program there from the more educated and active population. Even if only part of the proposed applets — erection of monuments to the victims of totalitarianism in the towns and in their places of burial, the creation of a memorial museum complex will be carried out — this alone can further increase the moral and political authority of the present management of the country.
3rd — strengthening the unifying tendencies in the terrain of the former Soviet Union and, perhaps, the former "socialist camp" — a common understanding of the catastrophic past. The program should be of a general nature for these states. But for all that it has to be initiated by Russia as a victim of the states emerging from totalitarianism.
4th — strengthening the international prestige of the country. Condemnation of the President of the totalitarian regime, kneeling in front of the Prime Minister of the Katyn Cross has played a positive role explicit. While recognizing that all of our homeland — the "big Katyn" began to have signs of respect to the victims of the totalitarian regime without the help of others, voluntarily, without coercion, the country can only conjure up for themselves respect of all the ordinary people and nations.
The likely costs of implementation of the applets can be more than make up for the appeal to the best that was in Russian history — for example, to the glorious era, which began with Catherine II and ended in 1917 but continued to nesusvetno severe criteria, and in the twentieth century. Russian identity must, in the end, based on the fact that the history of the Russian Federation did not start in 1917, we country not Lenin and Stalin, and country and people of Pushkin, Gogol, Tolstoy, Pasternak, Tchaikovsky, Suvorov, Zhukov, Queen, Solzhenitsyn, Sakharov, in the end, Catherine II, Alexander II, Stolypin, who made a great contribution to the development and reputation of the country and its culture.
Certain areas applets:
It is necessary to perpetuate memory the dead; namely to hold a mass installation of obelisks and other characters in the memory as a place of burial of victims of the totalitarian regime, and in the towns and villages, where they were arrested and where they were taken. You need to deploy public-assistance program from public search for and identify the burial sites of victims of repression. This program there, as well as the character set programmke memory from the outset to give an international character: it must be common to all the states of the CIS and the Baltic States, and perhaps also for other states that were part of "socialist camp." All were victims, and in the midst of the executioners were also representatives of all nations. (See Annex 1, paragraphs 1.1 and 1.3).
(In the future, programm could have and more than a pan-European nature: the whole of Europe was a victim, all of Europe blame for the tragedy of the twentieth century — a 2-global wars, a 2-totalitarianism in the hardest, not overcome, before the end of the split.)
It is necessary to support living among us, the victims of repression remained a handful of them, but the wrongs committed against them, must be redeemed. (See Appendix 2).
It is necessary, in the end, the declassification of the archives in order to complete conceal from ourselves the awful truth about the atrocities that were happening in our country. Hiding the well-known truth, we dishonor ourselves and associate with a totalitarian regime. (See Appendix 3).
It seems that society in the implementation of such programs from ready. Honoring the memory of the fallen can bring to life not ersatz, and the real total patriotic movement. In particularly important to attract young people to this movement.
The state and its control in the long term are the basic tasks, the fulfillment of which, of course, will be of historic significance. The solution to these problems usually can not have simultaneous nature. The very formulation of problems will claim a specific sequence of actions. Accordingly, the totality of actions aimed at understanding and overcoming the disastrous past, already in the first step can be divided into two categories: the initial steps, which are the main solutions to the problem in general, and related to these steps and supporting their actions.
The priority steps, ensuring the perpetuation of the memory of dead and fulfillment of moral duty to live include:
— The publication
of the Decree or the Act providing for the establishment in all major towns and large villages Fri (at least, to the level of regional centers) monuments to the victims of repression, promotion through the media and other channels of mass creation of search engine traffic, which brings out the names of the victims would find a place of burial, attended by the establishment of monuments; extensive verbovanie this movement of young people (the experience of such movements exist in our neighbors, but the base is for him, and in Russia), the establishment of public-private charitable foundations that fund to perpetuate the memory of the victims.
— Create at least 2-national memorial and museum complex near the two capitals and monumental monument to the victims in the center of Moscow. (See Appendix 1, paragraph 1.2).
— The development and adoption of a common state programs from creation Knížek memory of the victims of the totalitarian regime and creation on their basis of the Unified Database "The victims of the totalitarian regime in the Soviet Union." (See App 1, paragraphs 1.3 and 1.4).
— Improving social support devices in Russia living victims of repression. (See Appendix 2).
These measures should make the political and legal assessment of the atrocities of the past — in the form of an official declaration on behalf of both the executive and legislative branches, as well, perhaps in the form of a noble legal solutions, qualifying criminal acts in accordance with the law. The absence of such evaluation is an important obstacle to the "detotalitarizatsii" Russian public consciousness. (See Annex 4, Appendix 8).
Maybe it is at the moment is to rename the weird-sounding day of national unity in the "day of memory of victims of war and civilian government of reconciliation." That is, end lasted almost a century civilian war. This renaming all the more reasonable, and that the action in 1612 symbolized the end of the "Troubles", in other words almost were plain end of the war.
To maintain and build on the results achieved by the above-listed priority measures, should also, perhaps, in the second step:
— complete the legal process of rehabilitation of people imprisoned for political reasons in different periods of Russian history (see Appendix 5);
— adopt the Law on place names, which prohibits perpetuate the titles populated Fri, streets, squares, etc. memory of those responsible for the mass repressions and other serious crimes against human rights and freedoms (see Appendix 6);
— to modern Russian history courses for high school, free of old times and new myths, combining systemic and historical method of presentation with a clear moral, legal, civilian and political assessment of the events (see Appendix 7);
— encourage and support research on Russian history and for this purpose to facilitate the access of researchers to archival materials. To promote reliable disk imaging of the past into the public consciousness to provide digitization and online publication of important historical documents of the twentieth century from the municipal and departmental archives (see Appendix 7);
— provoke and develop all the museum work to catastrophic coverage pages of Russian history.
It is necessary to make a valid mechanism to implement the proposed programs from when obviously it is adopted (see Appendix 9).
The implementation of the programs from the full desirable and necessary in cooperation with other states that have emerged in the post-Soviet space. With all this being said, that was a pioneer of joint programs specifically Russian Federation — not only as a successor of the Russian State of the Union, and as a country, a victim of Russian repression of the period (see Appendix 10).