Society this week, when turned 20 April 1991 strike, only RL deployed reminded of those events ("1991 th eyes of the participant. hundred thousand near the Government House," "Were the workers stormed a house on Karl Marx?", "Why Workers asvistali Shushkevich? ").
The ratio of state-owned media is understandable but not written about the strike and independent newspapers in including and online resources. Of course, the attention of the public and journalists are now focused on the sentences for "December 19", which is absolutely logical. But the silence about the mass action of the workers (more than a hundred thousand people in the square in front of Government House for more than one day, dozens of striking large-scale enterprises, the blockade of rail traffic in Orsha) — in a strange way it looks now, when the worsening economic situation gives grounds for bold predictions about the possible strike and — as a result — the change of power.
More on this later, but first of the myths were born around those now distant events of April and are related just in a political context of what some call the "sausage rebellion."
In one of his interviews, philosopher Valentin Akudovich said that in April 1991, working out, "with tryvogi for the collapse of the Soviet Union and the" orgy "democracy", but Pozniak ("it came to the paradoxical"). In this particular way wrenched the then political situation "that they were under white-red-white flags. Another text (among other things, lectures for students of the Belarusian Collegium) of the same Akudovich so assess events in April 1991," in fact it was a powerful protest against perestroika, reforms close the collapse of the Soviet Union, the elimination of socialism and the establishment of democracy, protest, which the Belarusian Vendee then still could not (or not yet solved) adequately articulate. "
Zenon Pozniak, as you know, in days of April 1991, Belarus was not, but that's not it: the idea of the independence of Belarus in recent history really was first announced Pazniak and Opposition MPs BNF all the days worked closely with the leaders of the strike committee (actually, one of the co — Antonchick — he was a member of the Opposition BNF, all the other co-chairs of the strikes were members of the Belarusian Popular Front).
What's bad is that the workers were white-red-white flags? (And were it was under these flags, the then quote a note Vitaly Taras in the "Lima", "perfect order, which moved the overall column under white-red-white flags, frankly, amazed" ("Lim", May 3, 1991)
And — whether the policy claim that it is "squeezed out" the situation in favor of ideas that embody the idea of independence and democracy? Do not have this ability, on the contrary, a sign of political skill?
The idea of independence and democracy two years before the April strike promoted by activists BNF (as noted then in the "News of BPF" Yuri Drakakhrust, in every factory, who took part in the strike, there were communities of the Popular Front).
And since (more — including ago)
political demands were formulated in the first day, when the workers came to Government House, and stated very clearly: the withdrawal of the Communist Party, with companies departyzatsyya all structures, the resignation of the President of the USSR and the Union government, the holding of new elections to the Supreme Soviet on a multiparty basis. This — the most that there is a "democratic" slogans of the time, which were identical to the requirements of the Belarusian Popular Front. And not only that time — the parliamentary elections on a multiparty basis and are now one of the main supporters of the political demands of democratic values
The quiet but very important detail: the workers demanded the dissolution of the "union" and "republican" parliaments, but the election was said only "Republican" Parliament — in fact, people do not see need for the existence of the "allied" governments, as well as of the "Union . "
Last embodied in workers' demands to give the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the Byelorussian SSR status constitutional power — which legally would mean recognition of the independence of Belarus.
That is — where is "anxiety" and "protest" against the "near collapse of the Soviet Union, which says Mr. Akudovich?
Now — about the second myth. The last time he was voiced by a respected political analyst Alexander Klaskouski in connection with the initiative announced by the trade union of radio industry and several opposition movements to take place in October, "Usebelarski national assembly." Klaskouski remembered the "moment of confidence in the opposition. Indeed, if we remember the workers in 1991, the then leaders of the labor movement have tried to distance themselves from the political opposition and keep yourself yard."
Confidence of the workers of the opposition in 1991 (talking about the parliamentary opposition BNF) manifested in the fact that it is through the work of opposition MPs passed their demands leadership of the Supreme Council and the Government and invited members to its negotiations with the government of Belarus. But this formal error: the leaders of the labor movement were themselves part of the opposition.
Again, let me remind MPs of opposition Belarusian Popular Front was voted leader of the labor movement and the co-chairman of the strike committee Sergei Antonchick. The other co-chairs (Gennady Bykov, George Mukhin, Ivan Yurgevich, labor leaders Ivashkevich and Michael Sobol) belonged to a different governance structures BNF — from district councils to the Sejm).
And it is clear that the head strike had Antonchick worker Sergei, who knew the problems of working much better than the historian or economist Valentin Golubev, Yuri Belenky or journalist Sergei Navumchyk. Others would have looked out of place — as it would be strange if the worker Sergei Antonchick, not a journalist Igor Germenchuk edited the newspaper "Freedom."
Therefore, neither of which "Distancing" labor leaders of the opposition in 1991, we can not go.
On why the April 91 th strike has not reached the goals that could be achieved, have already written earlier.
Here I note a pattern, which is still awaiting a number of political scientists and historians in the modern history of Belarus mass protests triggered by economic or social aggravation — never led to political change. Or if you prefer — to positive political change.
It may sound paradoxical, but it is — a fact.
Here are a few examples.
Summer 1990: the sale of cigarettes disappeared, hundreds of people blocked the Leninsky Prospekt in Minsk. Resign were not sent officials from the municipal department of trade.
April 1991 g — obschebelorussky strike and rally hundred thousand workers on Lenin Square in Minsk did not achieve political objectives (economic arranged first, but after a couple of months, prices have risen even more).
1992 — went on strike Shakhtar Soligorsk (potash fertilizer, as it is known — an important export industry) — to no avail.
1993 — The teacher went to the House Government to demand higher wages. Chairman of the Committee of the Supreme Education Neil Gilevich BNF MPs urged not to interfere or impose political slogans, as the requirements of teachers exclusively economic. Teachers of their economic demands have not achieved.
I remember in 1992-1993, some predicted that here "come fall, prices will go up, gasoline eventually disappear" — and the government will fall Kebich (fuel crisis was really sharp, to go to Bialystok to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the Belarusian People's Republic, I had to fill the tank on the personal order at the gas station down the minister — usually poured 20 liters per month). Autumn comes, the economy is getting worse, and the government all Kebich not fall. When in July 1994 finally "dropped" — Kebich office at Government House took Alexander Lukashenko (and a prime example of how even if not an economic protest action, but the economic situation has affected the political shift. Yes, that's just the result .. .)
In general, the conclusion is that in democratic countries, the economic mass actions usually lead to health policy change (after all, operates a selective mechanism and a bankrupt government is replaced by another), in authoritarian or dictatorial — they can be used to further strengthen the regime.
And in theory — could have the effect of destruction and dyarzhavavtvornyh structures (hypothetical question: If Putin today to make a statement and offers a shoulder to the brotherly people of Belarus and to introduce the Russian ruble, secured gold reserves (respectively, appear in the dollar-euro exchange offices) — which will schedule " for "and" against "among those political scientists call" the electorate "?).
However, the latest Belarusian history knows examples of the effectiveness of mass actions. But those that have political, national-democratic.
October 30, 1988 — People are going to "Forefathers Eve", to honor the memory of the repressed, those of whom it was forbidden to mention the decades. Pozniak led them to Kurapaty and thereby prevented a planned provocation by the authorities and a bloody crackdown — and just did this action was the first mass action of newly formed national movements in the Soviet Union, which has set an example of peaceful resistance. It has given a new impetus to the process, which then was called the last wave of the Revival.
April and September 1989 — BPF displays on the streets of Minsk tens of thousands of people on the "Chernobyl Way". Central Committee of the PBC finally forced to recognize the existence of the Chernobyl problem, developing a program to victims.
November 1989 — mass rally in front of Government House to demand the adoption of a democratic election law. Sun Belorussian 11th convocation forced to make significant changes to the electoral law.
February 1990 — one hundred thousand BNF rally in Lenin Square, the column will move to the TV center and achieves the live television for the leaders of the Popular Front. After a few weeks of the Belarusian Popular Front conducts its representatives in the new Supreme Council, which is already in the beginning of June, offering draft of the Declaration of State Sovereignty. July 27 declaration (albeit with modifications, in the "stripped-down" form) is received.
19-21 August 1991 BPF output first, a few hundred, and then a few thousand people on Lenin Square in Minsk to protest against the unconstitutional actions KGCHP and the requirement of an extraordinary session of the Belorussian Armed Forces. Presidium of the Supreme forced to convene a session.
24-25 August 1991 Tens of thousands of citizens of Minsk and Belarusian regions to the call of the BPF gather in front of Government House, the opposition MPs to support the BNF in their demands to declare the independence of Belarus and spread the CPB-Committee. August 25 at 20 hours 08 minutes Belarus became an independent state.
March 1996 — The Belarusian Popular Front (which some political analysts predict the cross, because none of the representatives of the Belarusian Popular Front in the BC-13 is not missed) — happy one for another mass protest against the signing of the Belarusian-Russian agreements. They pour out in Spring '96, which, according to Andrew Dynko "Our Cornfield", prevented the Anschluss with Russia.
Of course, you can remember and cases, and they are many — and 1990's, and very recently — when crowded actions organized by the Belarusian Popular Front, or other parties with a purely political demands had no political effect.
I do not accept humiliating remarks about the "sausage riots" — people have a right to live with dignity and not to save on the products.
However, I can not think of any "socio-economic" protests, which would have a political impact.
Belarusians produce results if they are led out on the street are not hungry — and hunger for freedom, for freedom, for independence.
Perhaps the future to refute this conclusion, but the story until it confirms.