The main issue of all revolutions and counter-revolutions — and these tabs are simply outweighed by the historical actions regardless of who does it, favorites or losers — is a question of belonging to the main means of production, including land and its resources. No wonder a long time was born the formula "Politics — is a concentrated expression of economics." It has not been refuted by anyone and at the moment.
For 70 years, from 1917 to 1987, the second, the entire property in the country belonged to the state. It is the same — the government — it was a monopoly in politics. By the mid-80s of the last century to everyone — both the authorities and the public — it became clear that this total monopoly leads to a steady decline in production in the economy and to the degradation of the social and political life. There are words such as "deadlock", "congestion", "gerontocracy."
On the needs updating all the talking since he came to power in 1985, MS Gorbachev, who, in response to the expectations of society, soon announced the launch of "perestroika." At the base it was to lie change in property relations. By that time, was already a public consensus in the knowledge that personal property can and should be more efficient, if ownership nationwide. Believe it all or the vast majority of the population, which is heavily supported also the processes of democratization and openness — as a concomitant institution of private property.
Management company receives the right to "full economic management." However, the conflict appeared: CEOs have become the subjects of market relations, but the company remained in state ownership. Soon there is another loophole in the form of a gradual transformation of municipal companies in the personal way of transferring them to rent a work collectives. Later came the resolution "enterprise rent with option to buy," and so on. Pluralism in the economy, of course, supplemented and pluralism in politics. Very rapidly under the theme of openness and transparency was privatized media. There are first — apart from the Communist Party — the political parties. They were the Russian Liberal Democratic Party Vladimir Zhirinovsky and the Union of Christian Democratic Alliance W. Aksyuchitsa.
Began seizing supplies even more exacerbated political tensions at the top. The law "On privatization of municipal and municipal enterprises in the RSFSR" was accepted on July 3 1991, and began the quarrel about matters which businesses are owned Russian Federation, and what — Russian Union. It came to the point that Yeltsin had intended to take seriously the rent with Gorbachev for the fact that he settled down with his staff in the Kremlin.
Privatization processes have a dramatic acceleration after the events of August 1991, received the title of "coup coup." Overnight, all former union management was in prison, the Communist Party — the illegal, the president of the Soviet Union — in fact deprived of all opportunities. The coup in politics was complete. The only thing missing mass repression and the law on lustration. But the economy has remained largely Russian, to illumine 1991 was one degree or another privatized only about 2 thousand companies. Temporary stability of modern power was based only on the strong anti-communist, anti-Gorbachev sentiment in society, the open support of Boris Yeltsin from the West. But there was a need their own, a tower of strength in the economy, in a new social class.
At one time, in 1917-1918, the Bolsheviks made a "cavalry raid on the capital" by nationalizing the major means of production, the Russian Federation and creating their own layer of managers. Who had to repeat the process in working order at an accelerated pace to make personal property and class of personal property owners.
In all the Eastern European countries after 1989 began the privatization process. Everywhere they were orderly, legitimate character. International experience shows that, generally, to monitor the privatization of the parliamentary commission was created, composed of professionals of all parties represented in the legislature. Prior to the privatization of mandatory assessment should be carried out are independent — and, if necessary, and international — Spices market price of property put up for sale. Determined by the order of receipt of state property for auction: first exhibited less profitable ventures. While they do not realize, and other objects of privatization on the market are not available: pick out the highlights of the pie is not allowed. That there was no collusion between local investors, the auction also invited foreigners. Each participant must submit a document in a sealed envelope, in which not only contains the amount that he is willing to pay for the facility, and plan for the reconstruction or expansion of it, with an obligation not to reduce the number of jobs in the acquiree. The proceeds from the privatization of the means in most cases going to repay external debt or the stabilization of the national currency, unaddressed crediting amounts in the budget is not allowed. These rules, for at least some elementary Western economist or politician, was completely thrown out of.
In the day 74th anniversary of the October Revolution is stately, November 7, 1991, by decree of Boris Yeltsin, Anatoly Chubais was appointed Chairman of the Municipal Committee of the Russian Federation on municipal property in the rank of minister.
Chubais invited to the capital of Yegor Gaidar, who was already involved in economic development programs from the new government. This "sweet couple" first sharply narrowed the circle of people who can claim to be part of the socialist affiliation. For this purpose, the method of removing all the brakes with pricing policies and inflation appeared to be completely eliminated virtually all bank savings of people of, which at that time was more than 300 billion "old" rubles.
Robbing the bulk of the population, Yegor Gaidar and Anatoly Chubais spoke against &qu
ot;stealing national property" — referring to the termination of the privatization process myagenkoy in the interests of directors and human societies. Another decree of Boris Yeltsin's "Summary of programs from the privatization of municipal and city companies in 1992" was signed on 29 December 1991. Under its provisions, though what the applicant could apply for the purchase of supplies without checking the legitimacy of its holdings of money. All the former "informals", the owners of new cooperatives, the "authorities" of the criminal world, and in general any holders of large amounts of funds are the first candidates for the role of the new bourgeoisie. Not to mention the close comrades, companions and just relatives. Chubais did not hide later that this was the period when the government could simply change on the property. With the stroke of a pen bureaucrats of the State Property Committee could reincarnate at least some acquaintance of the owner of his own real estate. That year saw the launch of the beginning of the "wild privatization".
To divert the attention of the public in August 1992, another decree — law did not take, because then would be useful role in their development of the Supreme Council, which is not included in the plans privatizers — announced the introduction of the "voucher". In other words, impersonal vouchers price of 10 thousand rubles each, which captures the proportion of Russians taken separately in the nationwide affiliation. Anatoly Chubais wove nonsense that, they say, the real price of the "voucher" equal to two cars "Volga". With all of this no one even hinted about how to make it real security.
With all of this with every citizen was recovered from 25 rubles for each "voucher". Millions of ordinary people bewildered found to accommodate this unusual piece of paper. Some of the works in the real sector of the economy was able to change them into small packets of shares. But the vast majority of people have been victims of swindlers who quickly did so called "check funds" — there were about 650 in Russia — the owners are promised rivers of milk and honey in the banks of the downtrodden wimp gathering at their "vouchers" instead of empty, signifying nothing receipts . At metro stations, railway stations, workers' dormitories and just wandered through the streets of the buyers' vouchers' proposed for each of 1-2 thousand rubles have already received the nickname of "timber" for their low purchasing power. Soon the "vouchers" went on the cost of a bottle of vodka. In order to make the people not to hide the "vouchers" under the mattress, hoping for the best times, Anatoly Chubais announced that these documents remain valid only payment until December 31, 1993, in other words, within 4 months after the shooting tank shells structure of the Supreme Council. The whole "voucher" bacchanal over. No one controlled the number of issued no clear "wrappers", no one has investigated numerous no data on twins, triplets using the same package "vouchers" or the fate of the "check funds."
In the end, one got bagels, another donut hole. "Voucher Funds" dissolved like sugar in hot tea.
Then he left for Georgia under the wing of Saakashvili, to the same swim and income from its assets in Russia. Mystery, similar to the legend of the UFO story was left with an unknown worker of the Tyumen region Vasily Jurevichem Timofeev, who had acquired 210 million shares of "Gazprom", paying for their 2 billion rubles. Later, however, a rumor spread that was hiding under that naming himself Viktor Chernomyrdin …
You can not say that President Boris Yeltsin did not beheld predatory lawlessness that abounded in the vast RF. He even made a desperate move when he decided to remove from the post of chairman of the State Property Committee Anatoly Chubais at the end of 1994. In his place was appointed suddenly called from Blagoveshchensk, Amur Region Governor Vladimir Pavlovich Polevanov. It was a bona fide direct Russian people, behind which, as he says "12 Kolyma and Magadan 6 years", held in geological expeditions. He had no idea about the undercover games in the capital of a pack of hungry contenders in the new bourgeois.
Just took away their passes and forbade entrance to the service rooms of SPC. This was the signal for baiting B. Polevanov in Russian and Western press.
Having dealt with the affairs of the new Managing State Property Committee wrote to then-chairman of the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin memorandum, in which summed up the privatization for 1992-1994. He showed that there is no middle class in Russia is not created — regardless of dummy data on the presence in Russia 40000000 "shareholders' rights, and revenues are equal to zero. Instead they grew "oligarchs" who seized the great wealth and claim to political power. The note said that any increase in production efficiency on the change of the owner companies failed, private enterprises do not work better than municipalities.
No healing effect on municipal privatization did not have the money: for all these years, the lack of budget remained at 10 percent of GDP. There is no need to repeat the entire contents of the document, its direction is clear and understandable.
In those days one of the familiar to the creator of entrepreneurs in a confidential conversation said, "Privatization — this is a rare chance to make a fortune in a few days are. It is a once in a century, and even then not everyone. There can be no morality or conscience. " 6 years after the events described, in 2000, the first Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation Vladimir Kozlov utter in an interview, "Moscow News" that 40 percent of the Russian economy is criminalized, in other words, is controlled by offenders. "We are in a time very much missed the point of privatization, — he explained. — Criminal gangs virtually tear municipal property. "
Regional influential clans took an active role in butchering a whale of a socialist economy, thrown onto the saved. Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov went into open conflict with Anatoly Chubai
s, prohibiting conduct privatization in Moscow prescription SPC. Boris Yeltsin, taking into account the large weight at the time of the city authorities in Russian politics, his personal decision made at the mercy of the capital, "Luzhkov clan." I did not agree with Anatoly Chubais and Bashkir President Rakhimov. He released his "vouchers" in denominations of 40 thousand rubles each, and ordered them to be registered. The center had to accept access to the Bashkir capital rogues wealth was greatly limited.
Absurd results of the "wild" privatization can be seen from the following figures: Chelyabinsk tractor plant with 55 workers tyschami was sold for 2.2 million dollars, Highland mechanical plant that supplied the entire army and security forces in small gun, went under the hammer for $ 2.7 million were born … funny things about which "Guinness World Records" can not even dream.
To complete the picture of our privatization will bring data on similar processes taking place in virtually the same years in the Czech Republic. There has sold 25 thousand personal owners of companies, including the smallest repair shops, company, making dresses, hair salons, and the similar. In general treasury of the country has received for their 3.2 billion dollars, an average of 125 thousand dollars for each company. We, in Russia, the average received 1.3 tysche dollars, 100 times less than the Czech government.
All figures are taken from a memorandum to the State Property Committee Chairman V. Polevanov the Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin. In conclusion, the creator asked to reassign to another deputy head of the State Property Committee of the Cabinet, for example Oleg Soskovets, instead of Anatoly Chubais, which do not want and will not be able to correct the situation.
How could he know straight-Siberian Gold miners that in the metropolitan policy for such things made sure to "tear down" — that came with the automatism of the mechanism. Two weeks after sending the report V. Polevanov was fired, it came out in February 1995.
In fairness, we note that he was not the only one who publicly protested against the robbery under the guise of privatization. In December 1994 the Municipal Duma passed a resolution to recommend to President Boris Yeltsin to stop the action of its own privatization decrees. But Boris directed to such exhortations less attention than mosquito bites on his own dacha outside Moscow. A month earlier, with content similar letter to Yeltsin addressed the Metropolitan Regional Council. The result was the same. The same question about the waste of municipal property does not just put up in their own appeals to V. Chernomyrdin, who served then acting Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation A. Ilyushenko dostukavshiysya, in the end, before he was dismissed in 1995, and later even arrested.
Our country is not taken to deal with mistakes or misdeeds of people who remain in the ruling "cage." Evaluation of their actions usually are given at the discretion of the story.
After eliminating V. Polevanov privatization deal again fell into the hands of Anatoly Chubais, who actually finished it by the end of his first term of Boris Yeltsin in 1996.
Anyone who is really interested in the history and customs of Russian privatization can recommend the book to find a doctor of economic sciences Vladimir Lisichkina, which until 1999 was a deputy of the State Duma from the Liberal Democratic Party. His study, entitled "Black privatization" was published in a small edition of a thousand copies, but it is — the truth untainted by self-contained professional. After retiring from his post as chairman of the State Committee on Property B. Polevanov wrote his little book about Privatization. Be sure to also recommend a book edited by the very AB Chubais' privatization of the Russian way ", which by his own cynicism and arrogance deserves compulsory attention. Many might remember that its publication caused uproar in the community. For not yet written a book Chubais received from the publisher "Vagrius" fee of $ 90 thousand dollars, the same — al-accomplices. The news of this caused such outrage in the country that Chubais was required — at least, in public — to abandon the fee.
Bibliography on the subject of privatization in Russia, quite frankly, more than moderate, shameful things to write about is not accepted. And do not forget.
There is a saying: "If properly fasten the first button on the coat, then all the others will be wrong." And so it was with the privatization of municipal property in Russia. Until now, she and her results are ugly blemish on the face of a democratic Russia. All our failures — or, at least, most of the problems — stem from it.
The corresponding feature of the class of "new Russian" is the awareness of the illegality of the tremendous acquisition of property, abiding horror. Or to the authority, which has all the grounds for depriving them of belonging. Or to rob the citizens who will not fail under appropriate criteria to claim the stolen wealth. This explains the anti-patriotism "new", the desire to slip away abroad, or to make his or her principal "nest" — just in case. In the future they do not believe the Russian Federation, before such people were called "internal exiles." Vladislav Surkov called them "offshore aristocracy", "graphs Bermuda and the princes of the Isle of Man" and sadly stated that "if our business society is transformed into a national bourgeoisie, then, of course, we have no future."
Class of "new Russian" is not creative, it does not have the economic, creative edge, he does not feel the pulse of the world. He is only able to build the urban real estate — as a form of investment capital. Under the rule of the "new Russian" in the economy of the country deindustrializovalas Our homeland, its industrial potential is converted into ruins, scientific and technical backwardness yavna, the country is firmly sat on a needle of fuel and energy exports. As a consequence, the collapse of the working class — no need to be afraid of the word, it does not bite. Dried up the sources of trained personnel for the preparation of modern industry. Because hang in the air plans and projects of modernization of the country, why, you first need a massive training of young professionals in the real economy.
With the emergence of a class of "new Russian" began a steady, growing in scal
e, the outflow of capital abroad. Its size ranges from 30 to 100 billion dollars a year if they believe the official statistics — which also scare those numbers. With such a loss of the benefit of annual national wealth read seriously about approaching era of prosperity is impossible. As long as we come to the rescue proceeds from the sale of hydrocarbons, but this is our last resource, which is already looming storm.
The Government of the Russian Federation tried all the means at its disposal to prevent the flight of capital — from direct administrative bans in times of Boris Yeltsin to full liberalization in recent years. All failed. Large capital is still flowing in the same direction.
Vladimir Putin has inherited these problems from past administrations, they are weary millstone hung on his neck.
The Chamber received a presidential commission to conduct an extensive study of the progress and results of the privatization process. It has been investigated more than 250 cases of privatization on a large economic objects. The result came out a frustrating experience. Chamber found that most of the transactions were carried out with the most coarse violations even then the lame legislation.
The results of this work have been placed in a brochure entitled "Analysis of the privatization of state property in the Russian Federation for the period from 1993 to 2003. (Expert and analytical activities). " Circulation has been raised for a tiny threads — only 1,000 copies. Its just enough for the deputies of the State Duma, the Federation Council and a 10-s high-ranking officials of the government. But the news of it spread like fire report on safety fuse. The MPs claimed the head of the Audit Chamber Sergei Stepashin to the rendezvous, the oligarchs became agitated.
On sober reflection Stepashin joined British club to meet not with State Duma deputies, and with big tycoons of business and assured them that panicky rumors about the report "is not worth a damn." "We are at the moment not going to understand, by whom, when and why enterprise was once acquired, so as not to create an alarming situation at the plant is running fine. " This was the position.
So as not to cause an unsafe destabilization in society, do not damage the established modus vivendi, management of the country decided to put an end to all speculation on the subject of privatization and brought in 2005 in the Municipal Duma a draft law on amnesty of privatization. This legislative initiative is recognized as legitimate all property acquired during the democratic reforms. In the Russian ships would be challenged only transactions made over the last 3 years prior to the adoption of this law, in other words until 2002. The law was approved by the vote of the "United Russia", and legally issue of privatization of possession.
Because in the near future a number of initiatives aimed at ensuring that restrict the outflow of capital from the least bureaucratic class — which in manners and mentality is similar to the "new Russian". Speech — prohibiting public employees have property and bank accounts abroad. These steps are welcome, but we know how to become skilled craftsmen in our circumvent the prohibitions and restrictions. By M. Saltykov-Shchedrin read: "The severity of Russian laws is softened by their non-performance."
In general, what kind of law about? Vladimir Putin new bans virtually undeniable support, saying that the law "will contribute to the fight against corruption," and he does not see the proposed restrictions is nothing unique to Russian realities. The government "generally supportive" of anti-corruption initiatives, but is afraid that "further restrictions" prevent the coming of the civil service "of highly skilled professionals from the private sector." So they say in a review that sent the Municipal Duma deputy prime minister, chief of staff Vladislav Surkov, the Cabinet of Ministers. Agree with this and many MPs, including — of the faction "United Russia", to join them and some members of the Federation Council.
Opponents of the bill — literate people, they claim that this initiative smells populism, Russian Federation violates the Constitution and restricts the freedom of the people. One of the deputies, when asked if he was ready in the event of adoption of the law in its original form to say goodbye to zabugornom property, was indignant: "Do I look like a mad? '.