June 19 — the birthday of Vasil Bykov, national writer, who has played a key role in the national revival and independence of Belarus.
Once Ryhor Baradulin made me promise that I would write a book about Bykov — all the things which had witnessed and participated in Minsk and in Prague. Undertook several times, but the deposits. It is very difficult to write about something personal Bykov, because before that does not subside the pain of loss, zipped all of us June 22, 2003.
Today — the role Bykov in finding the Belarusian Independence.
It is an independent Belarusian state Bulls considered central to the nation — and this confidence is not lost in the last years of his life. In support — a few quotes. "The signing of the treaty of alliance — is generally a crime of the century, this is definitely a genocide of the Belarusian nation" (December 1999). "Freedom without independence or independence without freedom — there is no" (December 2000). "Only with the freedom and independence of the possible continuation of the history of Belarus" (February 2001). "If Belarus was independent, though she was poor, underdeveloped, backward — the rest will be "(June 2002).
It occurred to me that it is much more interesting will be not their own reasoning, and — the words of Basil V., so bring a lot of quotes. However, most of these statements bykavkih unknown today's younger generation — it sounded in "dainternetavskuyu" era. Journalism as Bykov in Belarus official publishers do not print. And its civil, political stance — not a word in the books, some of which include hundreds of pages.
By the time Pozniak opened Kurapaty and decided to create the Popular Front, the Bulls had all the potential of a Soviet writer regalia — and known worldwide scale, what had flooded the Belarusian writer. He could easily have limited literature — but gave their time and credibility of fact, the success of which the then little-believe — a national revival and the achievement of independence. He deliberately exposed himself to the blows of the communist propaganda machine — and blows much stronger and more cynical than in the 1960s, when Bykov hounded for his work.
Books Communist leaders still could not tolerate; opposition to their monopoly on power — never.
And here I must object to those who believe that the political and social activities Bykov deprived eternity works that he could write, if not waste time on what they believe, the writer does not have to deal with.
First, what to do — defines the writer himself. Bulls made a conscious choice howl (in general, we should not know Vasily Vladimirovich, to think that someone could have something to force him out of his will.)
It is clear that in the national history of the Bulls came in as a creator, as one of the most distinguished writers of all time Belarusian literature. His works will reach the next generation. But with all this, in my opinion, forget the political and civic position Bykov — It impoverishes individual Bykov. Each creator lives in his time — but not everyone falls so affect their time, how could it Bykov.
And finally — and not lost to the Bulls as a creator, if not engaged in social and political activities? At alone Soim BNF that Vasil visited regularly, he met with dozens of people from different parts of Belarus, and this, no doubt, gave him a new experience. If you want — give what is called a "material." Bykovskaya prose in recent years, where the sound themes BNR Slutsky rebellion, repression — in some ways, perhaps, the result of conversations Bykov with those with whom he could not meet, if not in the BNF. Well, his parables — so all could not have been born with no interest in politics Bykov.
And if it is accepted that the latest wave of national revival began with the formation of the Belarusian Popular Front, to be exact — with pubikatsyi June 3, 1988 in the weekly "Art and Literature" section of Zenon Pozniak and Eugene Shmygaleva "Kurapaty — the road of death" — so not only was the Bulls at the source, but actually made it possible and the publication itself, and the creation of the Belarusian Popular Front.
Freedom Day. Zenon Pozniak, Michael Antipovich, Mikola Kupava Vasil Bykov, Sergei Navumchyk. Minsk, Yanka Kupala Park, March 25, 1994
Pozniak has repeatedly said that the article would be problematic if it were not for the preface accompanying publication.
He recalls called bulls, and then take him to Kurapaty to the open grave. There Bykov shot in the hole — Member of the bloodiest war in human history have seen death, but here in Kurapaty, it seems to me, is as excited — because he saw the results of a crime against their own people, a crime decades hiding.
Further steps Bykov, however, are determined by a mathematical vyveranastsyu.
Bykov wrote the introduction to the article: "We have a lot of grand monuments to the victims of German fascism, a certificate of heroism of the Belarusian people in the fight against this sworn enemy of mankind. But nothing we have not spoken about the generations of victims of Stalinism. That is inexcusable and wrong, We must remember them — not the heroes, and victims of the tyrant byazvinyh — overworked workers, hungry farmers, the first national intellectuals, men and women — that with a bullet in his head went into the pits dug by the same, not uttering a curse, not a protest, but only vain and tragic word "Why?". they will never hear the answer to your question is, but the answer is we have to understand. "
Under his preface Bulls signed as a national writer and winner of the Lenin Prize. Not a Hero of Socialist Labor, or the deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR. This seems to be an accurate and pragmatic calculation. And it's not that the characters in the deputies in Byelorussia there were dozens and hundreds, and the number of "people" and Lenin's winners can be counted on the fingers of one hand. The title of the national writer Bykov gave the right to speak on behalf of generations of people, who at the time of the Bolshevik repression lost its best representatives. Mention the name of Lenin did the same to the Central Committee of the Leninist party is very difficult publication ban — ban threatened scandal, in which Belarus has not happened. The article was published, and it was the same (for Belarus — a rare, admittedly) the case when the official regalia were working against the system.
At that time I lived in Vitebsk, and saw an article about the spread Kurapaty Copier (still very rare, each of them was under the supervision of pilym "special departments" — branches of the KGB). A few weeks later one of the guys from Vitebsk Institute proposed to multiply and my article — Vitebsk against the construction of nuclear power plants. In Vitebsk, began a spontaneous movement (now it would be called anti-nuclear), against the deployment of nuclear power stations in the territory of Vitebsk signed up tens of thousands of people — at the time the figure for large regional center. However, convinced that the fate of nuclear power has decided to publish the "Literary newspaper" letters of prominent Belarusian writers, among whom was the Wasi Bulls.
However, the poet, who offered to sign, refused, saying that as the leader of the Union of Writers, he has no right to speak for the entire organization, and his own name for specialists in nuclear power neavtarytetnae.
Vasil Bykov his signature against the nuclear power plant without hesitation.
"… Our people have suffered in silence oppression. Poured their blood and sacrificed millions of lives — silent "
On 19 October, I arrived in Minsk for a constituent assembly "Martyrology of Belarus" — it happened at night in the building of the then House of Cinema (which is also called Red Church). Zenon Pozniak says a plan to create in the evening of the organizing committee of the Popular Front knew him akrmya , two more people — Vasil Bykov and Mikhail Dubenetsky. As a concrete action plan — it's probably been the case. But the idea of the creation of the Popular Front, said to have been in the air — at least when we went to Sergei Dubovcy the House of Cinema, then talked about it, and the first thing I asked when they met Vlad Orlov, who for months lived in Minsk and introduced me, a provincial capital in the course of affairs, it was — "Well, you know that today is going to create the People's Front" .
We sat with Orlov near the front row — and not because they wanted to stand out — just back rows, where we first went, were entirely occupied by persons with the Order blocks, and there were even Heroes of the Soviet Union. Probably, the Minsk city committee as well as we could feel the mood and thoroughly prepared, fill in the Hall of veterans, members of the Komsomol and the "best workers" who had "to fight the informal".
But the battle — failed. Largely due to the Bulls.
Vasil Bykov made opening remarks. Fortunately, I grabbed a tape recorder — today it is the only known audio recording of that historic event in the Red Church (conducted and video, but it should be with us Pazniak have not been able to find).
Bulls "For centuries, our people have silently endured oppression. Lil their blood and sacrificed millions of lives — nothing. Was silent, as historians have deprived him of his true historiography, his filesafy impressed on him the false idea of a wise correctness of his infinite patience. His Knights of belles-lettres competed with each other about who sings better than what followed the explosion of anger and indignation. Its politicians and statesmen have been deprived of their own policies, to act for the benefit of the people, and many of them became a victim of terror, his own blindness and zabluzhennya.
But we do not want to live, not to be remembered as our good name and our victims, our martyrs. Finally it was time to tell people the truth and make her conclusions. First of all, the truth must be said about the millions of nameless people of Belarus, workers, farmers, intellectuals of the people, Belarusians, Russian, Poles, Jews and people of other nationalities, ruined in the years of Stalinism without guilt, without rights, without a trace in people's memory. The symbol of those ruined today were already known Kurapaty. But Kurapaty only a drop in the sea of human blood.
We should also mention the names of the executioners of our victims. Who were the bad people? … As has long been known, the executioner and the victim infernalnym related to each other, and humanity must know and remember both. This must be in the name of justice, in the name of democracy, in the name of our future. That is our sacred duty to history and moral obligation to future generations, so they do not have to blame us for the fact that we had a chance and let her. Perhaps none of our predecessors did not have such an opportunity that fate or history gave us, and it would be a great historical injustice not to use it.
Vasil Bykov and Zenon Pozniak, 1992
But to realize this debt, perhaps, will not be easy, reaction forces, Stalinism were not tested its weapons and is prepared to take revenge for their defeat in public. To make sure enough at least occasionally pick up the newspaper "Evening Minsk", organ of the Minsk City Committee and the City Council of People's Deputies, and see who and what it stands against. The forces of evil are now experiencing a short break in their anti-national activities, perestroika and glasnost confuses them spent the years of the card. But they have already begun to adapt to the atmosphere and restructuring. And in some cases — to take her under his leadership. Operate in such a way to quickly and without loss of any return so they lekeyskim shower totalitarian suppression, repression, drunk and humble existence of an enslaved people. Therefore, all those who cherish the principles of democracy and socialism, the fate of the nation, must be vigilant not to allow themselves to be deceived or hypocritical bureaucracy nor immoral science, neither the instigators of the restructuring, which have the task to put it headlong, turning away from the noble goal of a democratic nation Renaissance , dissolve the ideals of democratization in the national, regional, departmental and ambitious quarrels and controversies.
We have to make a grand Martyrs of our losses and our martyrs. It lies cornerstone in the foundation of the national consciousness, will be an important element of historical memory, and the guarantor. Guarantee of the future of the people, who through genocide, blood and defamation with the tenacity of a doomed longing for sun, good and fair "(applause).
In that meeting was a defining moment — vote on the candidacy of the Chairman "Martyralegu." After all, the chairman of the newly formed organization shall maintain a collection of more, and he depended on whether or not voted on the issue of education committee of the People's Front.
Bulls offered to elect Pozniak.
The representative of the Central Committee of the PBC Rostislav Buzuk crawled to the podium to disrupt the vote — but the Bulls took the microphone firmly.
Bulls' next thing that should be: who is against candidates? Please raise your hands! Abstaining? No, All! "(Applause).
Buzuk: "And it is — democracy?"
Voice from the audience: "Yes, democracy!"
Further rally led Pozniak, who finally put to the vote the creation of the Organizing Committee of the Belarusian Popular Front. At 22.15 argkaimitet was formed.
"If bitten by a wolf pack …"
Well, after the story was done with the participation of Belarusian Popular Front.
The first notable groove were Dziady October 30, 1988 th, the first time in Minsk against the people that came to remember their ancestors, have been used tear gas. Pozniak led people to Kurapaty, and held a rally on the way — surrounded by police with dogs.
A few days later the Moscow edition published comment Bykov, and after some time at a meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev and the creative intelligentsia Bulls came and talked about what happened in Kurapaty. Gorbachev, in his words, did not have the information — leadership of the Central Committee of the PBC and the KGB gave him a very different information.
Mikola Kupava, Sergey Navumchyk, Lavon Borshevsky Ryhor Baradulin, Alexander Starykevich, Vasil Bykov, Zenon Pozniak, Sergey Popkov a rally BNF. Yanka Kupala Park, 1995
"He was — as a bare nerve" — a phrase described Bykov Gorbachev in an interview given to me in the year 2003. And in 1988 the concern Bykov very excited general secretary — judging by the fact that the communist government of Belarus has not diminished, but repeatedly stepped up pressure on the newly formed People's Movement.
Was chosen and the person who focuses on the attack propagandists: Zenon Pozniak, in fact, he first spoke about the need to achieve the sovereignty of Belarus. "During an active struggle for independence and justice, Vasil was for me that the first person on whom you can rely on, when surrounded and bit you wolf pack" — says Pozniak the day of death Bykov.
The elections to the Supreme Soviet of the 12th convocation took place under heavy pressure of the administrative system — but also in terms of national recovery. I ran in Vitebsk. In February 1990, Alexander Lukashuk Vasil called and asked to say a few words in my support. Bulls responded — and these few lines of our activists, "team" included in the leaflet. In that election I won the first round, but the advantage of 500 votes — it is clear that the number of voters under the influence of treatment Bykov was significantly greater. Therefore, I believe that I have a deputy's mandate Bykov.
Vasil never came at a meeting of the Supreme Council — although, as a people's deputy of the USSR, had such a right. One day (I think in 1991, the year), I asked him to attend the session and speakers, but no, he did not express interest, and many of these proposals I did.
I confess that to me seemed a bit odd — as well as the silence Bykov 1989-1991, the year Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.
Another thing — a close friend Bykov, Ales Adamovich. Ales M. rushed to the podium of the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, and his performances have been among the memorable and unpleasant for the party apparatus, they became social event. In December of '90, when the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR saw our bill on the ground (we proposed to introduce private ownership of land) — I have collected dozens of signatures of MPs requested to call on the people's deputy of the USSR Ales Adamovich. Adamowicz came to Government House, went to the podium — and faced with an aggressive dislike the majority of deputies, which seemed to could feel physically, his last words Adamovich dogovarivat under evil replica of Deputies — "farmers." For many years I felt guilty parade Adamovich — after that it is not a projection of health added. Just recently his daughter Natalia told me that M. Ales, when he returned home from the session, and vividly recounted his speech and audience reaction — and was so pleased with the day. Of course, on the nature Adamovich was ekstravert — he supposedly saturated with energy from the outside, and the debate was his "hobby-horse." Vasil — was a man of a different nature.
Vasil Bykov says in the Diet BNF at the table — Zenon Pozniak. 1995 Minsk, the Belarusian Popular Front Estate. Photo by S. Navumchyk
But the difference between the characters can only partly explain the silence of Bykov's congresses of deputies in the Kremlin.
He once told how, as a member of the parliamentary defense committee, came to the meeting in the Kremlin — and he had to listen to angry speeches generals, who resented the advent of the Democrats on the authority of the Soviet Army and the destruction of the military-industrial complex. "More than I have on this commission did not go," — said Vasil.
And along with that — performances on each zezde the Belarusian Popular Front, regular attendance at meetings of the Diet BNF. Vasil was sitting in the Diet is usually next to Gregory Baradulin — Grigory occasionally filed apt, sometimes angry, sometimes Funny replica, but as far as I remember, never performed. But Vasil spoke at the sessions of the Diet quite often.
And that's the reason for this difference is seen in the behavior of the Kremlin Palace of Congresses and the BNF. Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, despite the nearby presence of the same Ales Adamovich (and in the Supreme Soviet of the Byelorussian SSR, where he also did not speak — yes Buraukin Gilevich that vyspyavyadali national idea) — parliamentary forums on the Bulls was, nevertheless, in the siege of opponents very often are hostile. In the Popular Front atmosphere was completely different — there he found like-minded people who respected him and appreciated.
Vasil very closely followed what was happening in the Supreme Council — many of my colleagues in the opposition BNF remember that he was guided in detail in the parliamentary debate (watched TV coverage, which then took place.)
But what is more significant — it is very clearly understood the essence of the political events that resulted in the 1990-1991, the year when the BNF sought independence of Belarus.
"Every historical phenomenon is a clear understanding with the distance of time"
Immediately after the adoption of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of July 27, 1990 as amended, "Literature and Art" I was asked to make conversation with Bykov.
Preparing the draft of the Declaration and the fighting in the session for each word, we, members of the Belarusian Popular Front, were forced to leave the Oval Hall before the vote on the last article — justifying it with the reluctance of the parliamentary majority to give constitutional status of the Declaration of strength and desire to sign a Union agreement that negate the meaning of the document. In fact, it was also a tactical move — so we wanted to force the Communists to vote for the Declaration (a lot of what they were doing in spite Paznyaku).
Sergei Navumchyk, Vladimir Orlov, Lavon Dyck, Ryhor Baradulin, Vasil Bykov, Lavon Borshevsky Nicholas Kryzhanovsky. The Congress of the Party of the Belarusian Popular Front, summer 1995.
I recalled that the adoption of the Declaration welcomed to Government House a few hundred people — a society in the mass took this indiferetnuyu, people back then were busy problem of physical survival.
"Apparently, it's still good, if a document of this kind can shock anyone. Means that people are not really lost faith not overcome a desire for the ideal … — said Vasily Vladimirovich, — I take this declaration quietly. Adoption of its (or failure), in fact, can not change anything in the life of the country, so that a theoretical value of declaration. well, of course, that our Parliament has made such a step arhiradykalny in his eyes. But, perhaps, not have a particular political praniklivastsi, to determine the real cost of such a move.
The declaration has many of his peers precursor outstanding in all respects, made up of the most inspirational phrases, and sometimes the best wishes — continued Vasily Vladimirovich. — It seems that such documents up to their face value, you need the appropriate level of popular political consciousness distinctly democratic will of its leadership. And here is what freedom is, if in the Supreme Council, which makes the declaration, reigned almost funereal mood, because it was done against the will of the majority, cabin fever some members of partgrupy. Left-wing MPs selflessly fought for every word with the apparent passivity of the right (in those days the Democrats called "Left" Communists reaction — the "right" — SN), which, however, felt their power in the other — in golosovalnuyu procedure. She and solved. One could understand those who left the room when the session came to the penultimate article, which, in fact, made ineffective (if not entirely useless) all the others, even the most sublime and romantic, but meaningless.
For example, what is tantamount to the final part of Article 10 of the Nuclear-Free Zone? Can the current leadership of the republic to ensure not only eliminate, but at least reduce the number of missile bases — one or two units? At least the one near Minsk, which every day threatens the capital is not less results than Chernobyl. Both now and after the conclusion of a treaty of alliance, the issue will be fully within the competence of the Ministry of Defense, and not the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR. Which, then, the practical meaning of that phrase, but to pure propaganda? ..
So the real content of this declaration has no zvonkagalosay and hard to imagine that with such an expressive, to say the conservatism of the PBC and its impact Councilscan be achieved in the near future … Apparently, exercise suverennasts possible only in conditions of sovereignty — that is the paradox of time. "
In the presidential election of 1994, Vasil Bykov was a confidant of Zenon Pozniak. In a TV studio: Vladimir Zablocki, Zenon Pozniak, Vasil Bykov, Vintsuk Vyachorka. June 1994 Photo by S. Navumchyk
1991st year was year of struggle for the independence of Belarus — we've achieved that failed in July 1990 — the Declaration of Sovereignty of giving constitutional status of forces. At each session of the Supreme Council shall be made by us this offer.
And we, the members of the Belarusian Popular Front, constantly felt the support of Vasily Vladimirovich.
In January of '91, just after Soviet tanks in Vilnius, Lithuanian Vasil Bykov supported in their struggle against the imperial center.
In March, 91 th, at the second congress of the Belarusian Popular Front, Bykov says "Star of Hope" — a "national sovereignty."
In April the 91 th, he supports the workers who went on strike and demanded not only economic changes but also give deklyaratsyti the sovereignty status of constitutional power.
August 19 '91 Bulls against KGCHP who tried to preserve the Soviet empire.
Finally, we are making an extraordinary session, and August 25, 1991 Sun Belarus declares independence — the Declaration of State uverenitetse given the status of a constitutional power ..
Bulls later said of that time:
"Well, of course, that every historical phenomenon is a clear understanding of its time from a distance. Across the stories are very difficult to understand the vicinity of this or that. Especially such a life-changing phenomenon, as suverennasts, say, of a country. Or her way to this sovereignty. Well, with regard to the sovereignty of Belarus, we can already say for sure that after all that has happened, though, and did not bring a positive result, but certainly it can not be overemphasized in historic proportions …
As for the opposition in the Supreme Soviet, then I think that, in those circumstances, while it is the opposition Belarusian Popular Front made a heroic act that has made this very sovereignty. This, of course, its merit. And more, no matter where it will end — regardless of this, the fate of Belarus at all — again, in a historical dimension, this is a very significant and it will be evaluated through the centuries. . "
And for us, the activists of the Popular Front, the opposition deputies in the Supreme Soviet BNF — I think, and the thousands of people who stood in the square in front of Government House in those days of August 91 th — the word and authority of Vasily Bykov were those without which hardly have been able to achieve independence.