It smelled burnt. Our journey with Pazniak in a basement of the Central Committee of the PBC could be compared with the journey to hell — if we assume that the devils bonfires of decisions and resolutions of Lucifer. We were told that in the days of August 1991, there were burned tons of paper (even hired three firemen). But just do not have time to kill.
The first sheet that I picked up from the floor (Pozniak and now speaks of incredible coincidence) — had a plan that called for the creation of the Communists "alternative People's Front" before August 1988 (communists sought to play "ahead of the curve," but, like many other than the failed deal). The second was a document with your signature Masherova.
This letter of Peter Masherova employees of the Central Committee of the PBC in August 1991, dumped in a landfill
And then — piles of documents that I have filled several suitcases. Among them — the policy brief, "The Second Congress of the Belarusian Popular Front: the opposition adjusts course," written for "internal use only" members of the Central Committee.
In terms of the Central Committee of the PBC for 1988 paragraph 33 — the creation of "a" of the Popular Front. Archive S. Navumchyk.
I'm hesitant to write in this series based on his own memories of the II Congress of the Popular Front — an event which was not involved, since the end of March 1991 in Vitebsk was in the hospital. On the congress knowledge of the stories of colleagues and newspaper articles, and because the author of these lines — in equal positions with the reader. Today, in front of me a couple of old newspapers still "dainternetavskay era" and the one found with the Pazniak the Note of the Central Committee.
But that congress was key in determining the main goals of the most influential Democratic Forces (really the only influential — other Democratic Party has just formed). Without this it is impossible to make a complete picture, and the conditions in which had to seek independence. However, it is impossible to view it without referring to the Congress of the Communists.
"… To defend the expanded Union"
In the spring of 1991 the confrontation between the PBC and the BNF has reached the highest severity, and the main reason for the discrepancies was just related to Independence. The leaders of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus differed from his colleagues perhaps all of "union republics" absolute devotion to Moscow, Gorbachev's criticism of their mouths sounded just for political reform, which, in their opinion, endanger the existence of the USSR.
A few months before the end of November — beginning of December 1990, was XXXI Congress of the CPB.
The Congress of Communists I knew not only from newspapers — because the delegate, the latter for the CPB-CPSU Congress, was my father, the then Secretary of Vitebsk regional committee.
At the Congress of the father was one of the few delegates who spoke Belarusian. He was among the delegates who have put forward two initiatives. Namely — to adopt a separate status from the Communist Party of the Communist Party of Belarus, and choose the first secretary of the Central Committee Vladimir Brovikava (Brovikav was once the editor of "Vitebsk working" and then made a breakaway party career — the secretary, second secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC, the chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Byelorussian SSR. Later sold in the views of Gorbachev and fell out of favor).
Following suggestions about Brovikava called me for a confidential conversation congress delegate and my "boss" on the Commission on Transparency and Human Rights Ivan Korotchenya who supported Malafeeva:
"Tell me, what's the catch? Location arose Brovikav? He's a member of your father? What do they want?"
I said Korotchenya the first time I hear about such an idea, and that to his father's party affairs have nothing to do and do not want to have that I basically do not care who will be the first secretary of the Central Committee — the final will be the same.
It seems Korotchenya did not believe me.
In general, even today, people ask me (and twenty years ago, asked every day) about the relationship with his father. At the time, I even had to read a chauvinistic rag (and Minsk, and Moscow), the father and son took a different political position to win in any event — and in the case of the Communist victory and triumph in the BNF.
Of course, nothing of the kind. My father took my very painful involvement in the BNF, ever since the founding meeting in the Red Church. And before that — taking part in the "informal movement." However, he never accused me of nationalism (he himself believed, and quite rightly, the "national-communist", he had a good relationship with the writers — with Bykov, Baradulin, Korotkevich, Buraukin, and that in Kolosovskaya theater in 1970 — I still put karatkevichavskiya "Bells Vitebsk" and then "Constantine Kalinowski," in no small measure to his credit. In 1989, another secretary of the Regional Committee, was one of the founders of TBM). But my anti-communist stance provoked opposition from his father. Being in its time the youngest in the Soviet Union regional secretary, after spending nearly two years in Kabul as an adviser to the Central Committee and having received the order and personal thanks to Gorbachev — he certainly had an excellent career prospects. Perspective that crossed his own son. In addition, since the beginning of the fight against the construction of nuclear power plants Vitebsk certain people tried to connect the father to campaign against me (literally, this happened at the same time with Vintsuk Vyachorka, but, like his father Vyachorka, my father refused to participate in the persecution). The upshot was that in early 1989, Gennady Buraukin said that since neither my father nor I have changed their positions are not going to, so it would be better to go from Vitebsk. Buraukin found me a place in "Hedgehog" — though without the Minsk resident. Just without a residence permit, has lived in the capital and settle the Eagles.
In general, the "son of the chief" for me at times created a psychological discomfort — I was not in the "special", and in the most ordinary of "proletarian" school, although none of adnaklasnikav ten years had made no letting me know that I am " not his. " My parents were brought up in a spartan if not, never greenhouse — after the eighth grade when I asked to buy a player, mother to fully use their office teacher teacher's college, and I arranged for the summer construction crew — "Earn yourself." Later, the theme of "fathers and children," the plane went into a purely political, but when in August 1991, the Communist Party has ceased to exist, I felt a great relief and even for this reason.
(After August 1991, his father while attending gatherings of the Communist Party, then stopped — not made clear chauvinist, anti-Belarusian position. Between 1997 and the present — Chairman of the Vitebsk Regional BLS, in 1999 he was one of the deputies (with Tarazevich) CEC chairman Potter on "alternative" presidential elections. I asked the other day, did not hurt that he was having, like no other in Belarus, the most relevant to the formation of a decision on the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, did not get approved Lukashenko medals in honor of the first 10 ', and then 20 years withdrawal. The answer was pleased: "I would not have received Lukashenko Awards").
As for the initiative nomination Brovikava first secretary of the Central Committee, he did not get the proper amount of votes (After a while, in May 1991, while driving his Brovikav "Volga" brings up our small delegation of Vitebsk, which was directed to France, from the Moscow railway station in Belarus Sheremetyeva. Incidentally Brovikav said that to him as a 2-in Secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC had to report about the death of Brezhnev Masherova. Brezhnev was crying into the phone and swearing — which, admittedly, is incompatible with the version of the kanspiralyagichnuyu secretary general interest in the death of Masherova).
Congress has not passed on the offer and about their own status of the PBC. Most of the delegates felt that such a status to question the unshakable unity of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and, God forbid, would raise suspicions in separatyzme. A few months later the Communists were biting elbows — they could not appeal the ban CPB-CPSU, as the absence of its own statute made them only the Moscow branch of the organization, which ceased to exist. Although it is clear that the one party shall deliver the most advanced and statutes.
Even as far as the first secretary of the Central Committee of Ephraim Falcons seem dogmatic, but elected at the congress of the new leader Anatoly Malofeev kinds of ideological resources. Of all the possible candidates for the Communists chose the worst, and at the session of the sun in August, the story will take Malofeev comic role: we are stealing it from the stands, not giving say a word.
First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC Anatoly Malofeev with Mikhail Gorbachev in the Gomel region. Rency 1991
But saying Malafeeva the preservation of the Union ("The nation needs a new Union Treaty, signed on a new democratic basis") by the communist congress was perhaps the most mild compared with gusty appeals that were heard from other speakers.
"We believe in the political and ideological sense should be called the Union of Soviet Socialist Union as a sovereign state. Thus will emphasize three main points: the preservation of the Soviet regime, the socialist system in the country, and independence of the Union" (Sokolov, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC).
"It's hard to understand people today, people's deputies, who strongly advocate the absolute sovereignty of our country, require its exit from the Union. What is it — unconsciousness, seizures adventurism or nationalism?" (Chernyshev, mechanic farm named after the XXI Congress of the CPSU Tolochinsky district).
"Check out all the more vocal and anti-communist opposition. Its goals are well known: the press on the sidelines of the political life of the Communist Party of Belarus, to withdraw from the republic of the USSR … We should use its influence to defend the new Union of Soviet Republics" (Dementey, chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Byelorussian SSR).
"I think the real sovereignty can not be outside the Union" (Grigoriev, first secretary of the Vitebsk regional PBC).
"The leaders of the Belarusian Popular Front are waging a struggle for power, the elimination of the socialist system, with the output of the Byelorussian SSR from the Soviet Union … We urge you to cast advocate for the greatest achievements of socialism, for the friendship of the Soviet peoples, for single and indissoluble union of sovereign socialist republics" (Not at all, the chairman of the Moscow regional council of veterans of war and labor Minsk).
"The Communists do not see a future outside of the Union of the Byelorussian SSR. Propose to instruct our deputies in the Supreme Council to take the initiative to hold a referendum on the republic to join the new union" (Velichko, party organizer Grodno factory "Radyeprybor").
"Why is the discussion of the most important for the future of the Republic and its citizens question of sovereignty voters have heard basically just an opinion Pozniak and the company, and a group of party deputies Belorussian thought it best to remain silent majority?" (Misuno, the first secretary of the Minsk City Committee of PBC).
Besides vysheytsytavanyh speakers at the convention were the chairman of the Council of Ministers of the PBC Kebich, the chairman of the KGB Shirkovskogo, Chyrvanastsyazhnay commander of the Belarusian Military District, General Kostenko. All of them were elected to the Central Committee, and as chairman of the Radio and Television, and the editors of mass-circulation newspapers, and supported the main policy objective of the PBC — preservation of the communist government and the preservation of the Union.
Strengthened the position of the Communists, as it seemed, and a referendum on the preservation of the USSR — of course, the state propaganda hide the fact that in the BSSR legitimacy of the question was posed.
The Communists went on to the Supreme Soviet, holding his head. Gorbachev's recent speech at the Academy of Sciences, which the Communists took over as Secretary General of repentance "thoughtlessly initiated perestroika" and a return to socialist ideals (and, I must say, partly perceived correctly), we finally convinced them of the inevitability of defeat ideas BNF.
That in such circumstances BNF met for their second (or "first neemigratsyyny" as the previous had to be carried out in Vilnius) congress.
"We have everything, there is only freedom and independence"
In general, members of the Congress can be proud of the fact that we managed the Popular Front for the two years since its inception.
"Conclusive results of the Belarusian Popular Front — the destruction of the wall of silence, secrecy, and even outright lies, built around the Chernobyl zone, specific measures to mitigate the effects of the disaster … The activities of the Front spurred the beginning of a civil society, in particular the creation of this shmatpartyynastsi in the country. Expanded ideas of freedom and Belarus 'independence', — Wrote in those days, "Lima" Andrei Goncharov.
However, the leader of the Belarusian Popular Front Zenon Pozniak asked to answer the questions that were asked myself many activists Front. In Lithuania "Sąjūdis" effectively controls the Supreme Council and the government, the prime minister of Latvia became an activist of the Popular Front: Walesa won Poland, Czechoslovakia — Havel. When will the changes in Belarus?
"Why the Belarusian Popular Front for more than two years of existence did not become universal mass popular movement that is not achieved such success as, say, the popular fronts in the Baltic? — wondered the platform Zenon Pozniak. — The Belarusian republic to date, no social movement can not yet become widespread. We are seeing only the mass obedience to Moscow and superiors. This is due to the almost complete destruction of civil society in the country and the low level of national consciousness of the population. Such a condition was caused by the anti-people policies of the communist authorities in Belarus aimed for many decades to destroy the Belarusian culture, language, history, religion, traditions, the best representatives of the nation, on vynaradavanne and Russification people … Such people are not able to take collective action, the survival and development of thunderstorms in periods of social, environmental and social disasters. What we have witnessed a bright restructuring, Chernobyl, Gorbachev's recent referendum and other events. In society, national, cultural and social amorfnastsi strastsey no idea that could unite everyone. That is why the Belarusian Popular Front, called "Rebirth." It is not healthy to be revived lifeblood that brings people together in a civilized people, the consolidation of society is impossible. Without the cultural and national unity of the people can not be freedom. And without freedom void no economic reform … "
If we remove from the text of some of the then relevant — the formula is universal and answers a lot of questions today. Then, in 1991, the BNF did not retreat from the idea of education of national identity, and we understand that the process will require a lot of effort and can be time consuming. But there were immediate objectives that needed to solve possible more. And the first of them — Independence.
"We have a lovely lovely country, a good hard-working people.'ve Got your hands and mind, science and industry, the scientific staff and experts, we have some arable land and natural resources. Has everything to live well. Not only freedom and independence. The achievement of freedom and sovereignty of Belarus — the most important task of our generation … So the sovereignty of our struggle must be the primary, anti-communism — secondary ", — Pozniak offered.
The Communist Party was the main obstacle in achieving political independence. We, the deputies, it felt good at the sessions of AC, if our amendments to the bill which is submitted for the purpose of strengthening the sovereignty, parliamentary Communist blyakavalisya simple majority vote, the Communists usually do not even bother reasoning.
And here is the place to recall the analytical report of the Central Committee.
"C. Pozniak drew an analogy between the communist and fascist ideology, if convicted fascism began moral rebirth of the German people, as long as there is no activity of the Communist Party, condemned the PBC, moral restoration of the Belarusian people is impossible … It is impossible not to notice that the anti-communism Z.Paznyaka not only rude and aggressive, but (unfortunately) primitive, which, however, does not prevent its spread (not a very high level of political culture of the population — but rather, it is our "merit") … C. Pozniak calls not to judge all members of the Communist Party-CPB same. Some were forced to become members of the criminal organization, for various reasons, including the nomenclature. therefore BNF should be separated legally responsible party from liability indyvidyyuma. Hence the arguments about the "double" friendship if Communist comes in BNF, which means he does not agree with totalitarianism. His second step — exit from the Communist Party, the CPB. "
Analytical Note on the Central Committee of the PBC II Congress of the Belarusian Popular Front
Note that the analyst acknowledged the responsibility of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of low political culture of the population (dvurushnasts: meetings on the factory floor members of party committees us shouted "Stop the session policy you! Stop the politicking! Engage economy"). Note that the definition of the Communist Party as a criminal organization in the document of the Central Committee of the PBC is supplied without the quotes (error typist?). But more noticeably different: the note draws attention to the fact that the leader of the BPF offers a "separate legal responsibility of the party from liability indyvidyyuma," in other words, we are not talking about the trial of every communist. (Just saying Pozniak was: "It is necessary to allow ordinary people to make a choice and leave the Communist Party, and not to create enemies where they can be friends".) And the leadership of the Communist Party she knew it, but with BT screens, in newspapers and at meetings people frightened that "Pozniak judge calls the Communists."
"In the program, at least two main components, — Notes the analyst of the Central Committee, — First, the achievement of sovereignty, second, anti-communism. The relationship between these elements is explained by Z. Pazniak without sophistication: the elimination of the USSR lead to the elimination of communist rule, and anti-communism — the best means of destruction of the Union. "
Thesis Pozniak analyst CC retold accurately and judgment it will be proved in a few months in the same year 1991.
"… History has given us one last chance"
"I'm for that Ivan Shamyakin, Vasil Bykov, Mikhail Savitsky, Ivan Chigrinov, Ryhor Baradulin, Igor Luchenok, Neil Gilevich, Zaire Azgur and all other masters of our culture have become good counselors of our Central Committee", — Expressed at the XXXI Congress of the CPB wish Vitebsk regional secretary Vladimir Grigoriev.
Chigrinov, Luchenok Shemyakin become full members of the Central Committee of the PBC.
Vasil Bykov and Ryhor Baradulin came to the Congress of the Belarusian Popular Front, and the Bulls made a welcoming speech:
"… I have already said once of our youth, perhaps the most depoliticized and denatsyyalizavanuyu in the world, which the Youth League for many years instilled aversion as the national culture, and for every policy. Especially great honor to those of our citizens from among peasants, workers, creative and scientific intelligentsia, who at the call of its own, not to pass the callous hearts remembered that, in addition to the duties communist, pets, culture or science, there is a high duty to God and justice. And gave up their membership cards, and sacrificed career, and brought to the big uncertainty timid to fight for the people and the republic. For their national sovereignty is not an empty paper declaration — it is for them the star of hope. Indeed, international experience, perhaps, every nation eloquently that put life on justice is possible only within the framework of close community — family, tribe, nation, united in the unity of faith, language, culture, level of civilization. Awkward, colorful empire collapsed almost everything, and our living its last days … Now the question is really this: to escape alone, or fail to hell together. To make it across the empire, it seems possible with the greatest success … Our BNF, without neglecting any of the features of a modern European democracy, it is not against the vital interests of other nations or ethnic minorities. But he — for themselves, for Belarus for the free development of its people in the family of civilized nations. Statement We must clearly realize that history has given us one last chance, and it is destined to make the current generation. Either we make it last, or the nation with that idea goodbye forever to disappear without a trace itself from the earth …
Humanity and Belarus have great hope for the BNF, its experienced management … They have acquired a definite and considerable political capital, then recognize his friends, as well as his enemies. And this, of course, the greatest merit of leadership Front, chairman of the Diet Zenon Pozniak and his closest associates. Their efforts, of course, had already gone into the history of Belarus, no matter how this story will turn soon, and what the outcome. However, not everyone's taste alleged radicalism Pozniak, who can, and inherent in this is certainly an outstanding son of our people abandoned. But I would say that it is a political definition — the highest value of the Popular Front. In combination with some other personal qualities that Zeno Stanislavovich — evidence of his citizenship uncompromising, ideological principle and patriotism. God forbid him to keep those qualities as long as possible, in favor of justice and Belarus. So — Long Live Belarus! "
Words Bykov Pozniak perceived as relating not only him, but the entire front.
Vasil Bykov delegates II Congress of the Belarusian Popular Front
The second congress took the name of the organization — "Belarusian Popular Front for the restructuring of" Revival "- the words" for the restructuring. " Congress defined objectives that are diametrically opposed to those previously announced exit CPB — decommunisation and independence, and that many people have seen this radicalism.
Then, in the spring of 1991, Independence of thought or a very distant prospect (case "does not present generations"), or something completely unnecessary and harmful.
Or, as Stanislav Shushkevich — in jest:
Shushkevich BNFu also never liked the fact that I'm for a fair union. Are you for us to be independent. I think it's almost a joke. I was and still am a supporter of the Union, especially stress — just the Union " (BPF News, June 12, 1991).
On the XXXI Congress of the CPB Stanislav S. Shushkevich came ours, frontovskogo Congress, not visited.
II Congress of the Popular Front: the podium Lavon Borshevsky Vasil Bykov, Mikhail Tkachev, Yuri Khadika, Zenon Pozniak, Valentin Golubev
In the spring of 1991, our position in relation to the independence and the "renewed alliance" with Shushkevich, who became the first deputy of the USSR, and then the Byelorussian SSR, and, later, the first deputy chairman of the Armed Forces with the support of the Belarusian Popular Front, — dispersed. Not having found a supporter in his face, we had to rely only on themselves. And the people.