"Good people, We have suffered enough. Endure But after April 2 longer. Tomorrow we will not be something to feed the children. Supreme Soviets of the USSR and the Byelorussian SSR, the president and cabinet Pavlova — puppets of the Communist Party …"
Thus began the treatment for which thousands of hands went up in Lenin Square. A stone's throw from the White House.
Not in the figurative sense, but — just a "stone's throw".
Later, reporters were surprised to write that for all the days of April 91 th one hundred thousand people who came to the Government House, do not hit a single glass.
After two weeks after, as Belarusians in the referendum said "yes" to "renewed Union," union cabinet updated prices. April 2 products and prices increased one and a half to two times. 3rd April electrical plant workers stopped work and blocked the tram tracks on the street Davgabrodkay, they were joined by factory workers transfer lines, shastsernyav and tractor. Was created by the strike committee of Minsk, and have 4 April, the number of enterprises, which have been set up strike committees, comprised dozens.
Lenin Square. April 4, 1991 Photo by S. Grits
From different corners of Minsk until the Government House moved columns of workers MAZ tractors, motor factories and other enterprises.
Lenin Square. April 4, 1991 Photo by S. Grits.
Thousands of workers came to the area and came to the very door of the White House. The leaders of the strike committee took the podium, which was part of the monument to Lenin. Never in the postwar period, from this rostrum, no one was (at the time of parades and demonstrations for the leaders of the BSSR were building a temporary, wooden). "From the government's granite podium with members of the strike committee set up the day before, other workers, pensioners were deputies of the Byelorussian SSR Ya.Novikav, S.Antonchyk, chairman of the executive committee of the Confederation of Labour of Belarus M.Sobal, deputy chairman of the Belarusian Popular Front of the Seimas Yu.Hodyko," — only a few lines had to insert the correspondent of "Lima" in the room already signed tomorrow.
On the demand of the workers in the Government House for lighting strike committee negotiations with the government allowed the journalists of independent media.
"Why do not you come to the square to the people?" — Reporter asked the chairman of the Armed Dementei.
"There is a procedure for appeal to the Supreme Council. To me, as a statesman, put protection, and if something happens to me, those who guard me, will go to prison and their families. "
Aside from the economic (increased wages), workers have put forward political demands. Namely — the conclusion of the CPSU with companies departyzatsyya all the state institutions, the resignation of Soviet President Gorbachev and the Union government, the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR Supreme Soviet of the USSR and the Byelorussian SSR, the new elections to the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR on a multiparty basis.
It is on this and insisted we BPF.
The workers' demands were transferred to the Deputy Prime Minister Mikhail Myasnikovich. In general, Myasnikovich was the youngest of the leaders of the government and, as it seemed receptive to progressive proposals. When I needed to get something for the voters in my district (usually were deficient sewer pipes), I walked to the Myasnikovich. He was not afraid of political debate. Six months before the strike, when I invited Myasnikovich participate together with members of the BNF in the television show — he suddenly agreed. Assess the behavior Myasnikovich in the first days of strikes are the same — some suggest that Myasnikovich was distraught, and gives examples of words when refusing to negotiate — "I do not know with whom I agree, I got different demands from different people" (in the early days workers were not well organized). But this is more evidence of the ability to understand the situation well — an ability that Myasnikovich then not again demonstrate throughout his political career.
With regard to their organization, it was a problem of only the first two days.
"It is surprising is not that strike occurred spontaneously, but how quickly they ceased to be — wrote columnist of" News of the Belarusian Popular Front "Yuri Drakakhrust. — Minsk workers discovered the ability for a quick self-organization. Representatives elected to the city strike at meetings or conferences plants. All plants that supported the strike, strike committees were presented, and therefore credibility in workers was full. "
Co-Chairmen of the Minsk city strike committee were elected Sergei Antonchick, Gennady Bykov and Georg Mukhin. All three — BPF: Antonchick — Member of the parliamentary opposition and a member of the Popular Front of the Seimas, the Bulls — a member of the Board of the Belarusian Popular Front Partyzansky, Mukhin — a member of the Diet and the BPF. Co-chairman of the strike committee of the 4th rudavpravlennya was elected a member of the Popular Front Soligorsk Rada Ivan Yurgevich.
This involvement of the leaders of the labor movement to the newly formed Popular Front was the main theme of propaganda wave that once, in the first days of the strike, struck the people of Belarus. Prices instantly "unscrewed ago," but the workers did not remove the political demands: the resignation of the President and Congress of the USSR People's Deputies of the Byelorussian SSR, Byelorussian SSR new elections sun on a multiparty basis. The propaganda machine immediately divided the economic ("fair") requirements and policy ("inspired by the destructive forces and irresponsible politicians"). More precisely, the leaders themselves did not at first touch — still working, and co-starred workers. As a destructive force has been called, of course, the BNF, and "irresponsible politicians" — we, the members of the parliamentary opposition.
The Communist leadership in any case did not want to avoid creating the impression that the proletariat came out against the Communist Party.
Lenin Square. April 4, 1991
But the fact was that the workers used a strong determination to the Committee, stating that "the party has led us to economic collapse."
Even if the strike lasted only two days — even then he would be a strong blow to the Communist Party and the theory of "unshakable unity of the communists and the working class."
"The hands of workers,
You give the motion of the planets.
Hands of the workers, we are of you sing this song.
Hands of the workers create the wealth in the world,
Native land glorifying hard! "
This song poured out of the loudspeakers in the Soviet era or not daily and vlyapilasya in memory, have not heard it for more than twenty years, but here I quote … The content of objections did not call. Well, of course, who still creates wealth, it does not work? Could, of course, to remember and "collective farmers," but it created products, and the products zyadalisya.
Another was clear — why, in such a compulsory subject in schools as a scientific communism, the working class was considered the best and most advanced class? One of the classic explanation was — because, in the words of Marx, "they have nothing to lose but their chains."
I, on the contrary, it seemed that the most progressive class — in the sense that the generator of new, revolutionary ideas, there are students. Soviet workers had some kind of property that had been provided so-some-how housing, received more engineer, a doctor or a teacher, but the student of his beds in a dormitory at 40 rubles scholarships really had nothing to lose. So there is a Marxist-Leninist theory to unravel.
And never could understand — why the Communist party was called the "party of the working class"? At the beginning of the century, taking advantage of lyumpenizavanyya, the poorest segments of society, the Bolsheviks changed the bloody way the political system: the Communist Party in the Soviet era KGB resident funded through the Western Communist Party incited workers to strikes and created a headache leaders of democratic countries. In the Soviet party nomenclature (of course, the communist, the other parties were not) lived much better the working class. And when his son was preparing some party officials career, he went to work six months or a year working at the plant — is a line in the biography of shooting all possible reproaches for admission to the most prestigious institution of the Union, which at the time was in Moscow (University where taught by diplomats ). In other cases, although it is not agaloshvalasya, work at the plant in the family was considered a big failure of the Soviet bureaucracy.
But even among the workers of the Communist nomenklatura did not like. In this and tried to play the party apparatus, when in 1989, after the victory over the plan to build nuclear power plants in Vitebsk, I was nominated for People's Deputies of the USSR. The nomination took place in several major enterprises of Vitebsk and was totally unexpected for me. But the City Party Committee zaryentavavsya instantly and ran the factories agitators who were given as compromising that nominee — the son of an employee of the party (in April 1991, the staff of the Central Committee of the PBC and the Minsk CC to end the strike, will convince the workers that they, too, against the monopoly of the Communist Party — which just does not tell a to keep themselves in power.) But the argument of party propagandists had no effect, and then took her to the nomenclature of the district meeting, which decided which of the nominees to make the ballot. Of the three hundred participants of the meeting — members of Party committees and shop stewards — voted for me a couple of dozen people, and the ballot I did not hit. The party apparatus has shown that it is in the eyes of view of workers, even the largest of plants.
A year later, in the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the Byelorussian SSR, when there was no district assembly, I had to speak a lot in the shops Vitebsk Machine Tool Manufacturers named "Comintern" and the Kirov in lyakamatyvnym depots in other enterprises — and the main slogans, which acted BNF ( dekamunizatsyya, departyzatsyya, the economic independence of Belarus, the truth about Chernobyl) — supported the workers.
As a result, voters in Vitebsk "proletarian" Railway area voted for the journalist.
But, of course, the most prominent voice for working people in the Supreme Council was Sergei Antonchick.
1990. With megaphones — Sergey Antonchick
Two days before the start of the strike Sergei Antonchick noted its 35th anniversary. The son of a repressed (Sergei's father was arrested in the early 30's and spent 17 years in the Gulag), he was distinguished vravnavazhanastsyu and endurance. He played a little at the sessions of the microphone or from the podium, but when he spoke, it is very capacious and figuratively. Sergei did a lot of obscure, rough political work. Antonchick takes plea citizens who are constantly on a few hits per day, deputies went to the opposition Belarusian Popular Front (a "communist" voters disillusioned MPs), organized a meeting on our Minsk enterprises.
In the spring of 1990, before the start of the first session, we had gone on a "secret" facilities near Minsk — no, not for storage of nuclear weapons and the dachas high range. Was with us and Yuri Khaschevatsky. Has corresponding skills are not useful — Sergei had a great thing called "investigative journalism" and Khaschevatsky took a wonderful movie. In the first months of the Supreme Council Sergey closely involved in the subject pryvilyaev nomenclature: in the name of communist bureaucracy simply caused fear.
The events of April 91 th placed Sergei Antonchyk the epicenter of political conflict, under the pressure of such an incredible force, which of us, members of the opposition, to have experienced it, probably only Pozniak.
Sergei Antonchick in the Supreme Council. 1991
It Sergey had to negotiate with the leaders of the strike committee of the Supreme Council and the governments, some I attended. Every day standoff between the strike committee and the government was growing, and there were doubts — enough to withstand the force of Sergei? But very soon the uncertainty was gone: the son of a repressed, Antonchick and showed strength of character and political intuition. And — and this was particularly important — the national consciousness and later on I heard the old immigrants definition of "strong Belarusian," which represented the dedication of the national idea (part of which — the independence from Moscow). So, in the days of April 91 th Sergei Antonchick proved just as strong Belarusians, not yielding to the temptation to "go after the people" in a cheap papulizme (which in 1994 made the "young wolves").
Withstood the pressure and other frontovtsy leaders of the labor movement — do not write about them in such detail because as close as Sergei did not know them.
On April 4 the workers gave the government a week to study their demands.
April 5 events near the Government House wrote the world's leading publications, and many were surprised by the strike in the "most gentle country," but in the following days, the situation became even more dynamic.