1991st eyes of the participant.
The response of the communist leadership to the Belorussian hundred thousand strike in April 1991, was not the fulfillment of their political demands, and — protection of their own political interests.
The Communists began talking about the need to "iron hand", which saw them in the face of the president. A major threat to their monopoly power they presented (I must say, rightly) — departyzatsyya and the nationalization of the property of the PBC-Committee.
In the middle of April until we heard reports that alleged the government is drafting a law that will apply emergency measures against strikes or mass demonstrations (the emergency law).
April 18, I took it to the office of the chairman of the Council of Ministers Vyacheslav Kebich official parliamentary inquiry, which we signed together with Valentin Golubev, Vladimir Gribanova Boris Gunther:
Opposition MPs Query BNF Golubev, S. Navumchyk, B. and B. Guenther Gribanova to B. Kebich. April 18, 1991
"Dear Vyacheslav Franzevich, we are interested to hear from you, as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Byelorussian SSR, the following information:
Did the Council of Ministers instructed the Ministry of Justice of the Byelorussian SSR on the draft Law on the Belorussian political strikes;
In what form made this indication;
His goals and deadlines;
In what form, when and who is expected to adopt the Act.
In this case, we draw your attention to the fact that the discussion of the draft law is not included in the agenda of the regular session of the Belorussian Armed Forces, and once there it can be accepted. "
The answer we got from Kebich instantly — two hours later, he gave me our original handwritten letter with his explanation (which was a violation of the rules of proceedings, but did not leave traces — though perhaps at the Secretariat Prime Minister and left the copy.)
Do not rule out that this is the only resolution, written by the head of the Belarusian government Kebich in the Belarusian language.
"Dear deputies — Wrote Kebich. — Such instructions I gave. Byelorussian SSR CM also did not give."
In its response, Vyacheslav Franzevich wrote the truth — the draft law does not develop in stsenah the Council of Ministers, and in the other building where the prime minister was obliged to appear once a week at the meeting of the Central Committee of the PBC and rasparazhenni owner of which was to carry out — after all, it , Kebich, spreading the party discipline. The headquarters of resistance strike was not in the Government House and the Central Committee of the PBC.
It seems to me that the dictates of the Central Committee of bored and Kebich himself — despite his own past secretary of the Party Committee and Municipal Committee and head of the Department of the Central Committee.
He had already come to terms with the role of head of the government — and not the chairman of the Council of Ministers (although the formal title was the case), and — premier. Kebich would deal not only with economic affairs, budget allocation frail, yes agrasektaram industry, but also in politics — so what the Prime Minister in a less Belarus Iceland. And he understood that this has no less right than colleagues in the Bureau of the Central Committee of the PBC from the fifth floor of the house by Karl Marx.
However, the CC looked at Kebich as executor of directives on the fire which has been put out there, which caught on fire.
A "burned" — everywhere.
Probably for Kebich no secret either under whom began to cook as fast as president — namely, in May 1991, the idea of introducing presidency started to force the communist parliamentary majority. In official media talked about the need to "host", "strong hand" — this was for the public. For the same range of the driver, frightened workers strikes, the presidency was an opportunity to maintain a monopoly on power, with which discredited the party apparatus has been unable to cope.
Stood out and the man who was willing to take on the work of salvation from the "orgy of democracy" — the first secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC Anatoly Malofeev, who at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Moscow, Gorbachev demanded that the state of emergency.
Malafeev replaced as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC Efrem Sokolov, who has given Belarus, according to Ales Adamovich, the glory of "antyperabudovachnay Vendee", who did not want to hear about any compromises with the newly formed People's Front. More hopeless dagmatyzme in his head, as Sokolov seemed impossible.
It turned out — maybe.
Anatoly Malofeev embodies all the most dogmatic and touch what was in the communist party apparatus. In perfect harmony with the ideological beliefs was his face — a stout figure, a hard stare. I do not remember even a hint of a smile on his face. Malafeev was a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR, but as a people's deputy of the USSR have the right to attend the sessions — however, the first secretary of the Central Committee no one would have dared to delay and without parliamentary mandate. He sometimes sat in the right quadrant, where the sitting government — but sat on a one-second range above Kebich, supposedly it emphasized his status host country.
First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC Anatoly Malofeev. 1991
The irony is that, unlike any of his predecessors (Mazurova, Masherova Kiselev Slyunkova, the same Sokolov), who is appointed by Moscow, Malofeev was elected first secretary at zezde PBC in December 1990 on the alternative vote. So to speak — democratic (if the communists could exist democracy). And it was the worst choice that I could be — but it reflects the mood of most of the communist apparatus of the Byelorussian SSR, with national nihilism was a prominent quality of these sentiments.
At the April Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU Malofeev was among those who strongly criticized Gorbachev — not for palavinchatasts democratic reforms, and for the fact that he did these reforms began. Malafeev said that the communist "party will be enough to keep quiet," and demanded the introduction of the USSR state of emergency — to save the country (ie Empire) "from collapse."
That proposal Malafeeva in Moscow failed — can, and would like to bring to the streets of the Kremlin tanks, but has been a wrong one.
But in Belarus, as it seemed Malafeeva and his colleagues at the Central Committee of the PBC, the time could stop and even expand ago.
And in order to maintain the power of the Communist Party leadership wished to introduce the post of the president and give him a hand mechanism of emergency — of course, deprived of even minimal control by the deputies.
We understand that the implementation of such plans may put a cross on the Belarusian democracy to achieve the Independence very remote possibility. Possible — even a matter of following generations. So prepare for a tough confrontation at a session with our political opponents.
"… Is done by people who have seized power by force "
Back in late April, at a press conference, commenting on the demand of opposition MPs to convene an extraordinary session of the Belarusian Popular Front, the first deputy chairman of the Supreme Council Stanislav Shushkevich said: "It's easy to be a friend of the people in the square. Much harder is to work hard in the same Supreme Council, to look for ways of getting rid of the terrible difficulties. Meanwhile, the opposition Popular Front in the Supreme Council is not received proposals on which you can work and make decisions. You can, of course, to convene a session to be able to talk, but will not be able to do something. "
In saying this, Shushkievich forgot that at previous sessions of the opposition Popular Front made to Parliament for more than 20 bills — mainly economic, highly acclaimed experts. But — not only economic. In the spring, 91-key solutions that we needed to take the session without extorted many days of work: the proclamation of the independence of Belarus and departyzatsyya, deprivation of the Communist Party's monopoly on power afarmalyalisya short regulations. And these draft regulations we had — what Shushkievich knowledge.
The members of the Presidium of the Supreme BSSR in the Oval Room. Alexander Pine, Basil Sholodonov, Nicholas Dement Stanislav Shushkevich, Vladimir Levchik. 1991
May 21 The Supreme Council finally summoned to the session. On behalf of the Presidium of the Supreme agenda brought S.Shushkevich. There was no question of giving the Declaration of Sovereignty of the constitutional status of the forces on the election of a new aircraft — but it was the introduction of the post of presidency and the draft Union Treaty.
With that, we, members of the Belarusian Popular Front, disagreed and entered into a debate with Shushkevich.
Navumchyk: "Dear Stanislav S.! If a month ago there was a session of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the opposition and we have made their agenda, you said that it is impossible to convene an extraordinary session, because the questions unprepared. Now we, the deputies received the agenda at the last day. More precisely, the day when the session began. This to me is very clear.
The second. I believe that changes, additions to the legislation that is required by the strike committees and labor groups, as many as 27 points only once will be considered, for example, bankruptcy law, employment law, the law on voting (referendum), it's just not logical . Because a number of laws may be adopted only after partization, nationalization of property, more importantly, after the giving of the Declaration of Sovereignty of the status of a constitutional power.
The third. I am authorized by the commission put on the agenda the question of the implementation of decisions of the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR Media Belorussian Armed Forces in the part dealing with "Narodnaya Gazeta" and in particular the material support of this body.
And the fourth. The Presidium of the paper is filed in accordance with the regulations, signed by 20 deputies with a request to call on the agenda of the state deputy Poznyak. Excuse do it . "
(If 20 MPs demanded to give the floor to some deputy — the speaker was obliged to provide it. Sometimes this "forgotten", so they had to remind)
Shushkevich: Mr. Sergei I. I thought you were a member and as a journalist reading this paper, which is so care about. It is much earlier than you speak, and in accordance with the regulations was published the proposed procedure and the questions that are made. "
Golubev: Mr Stanislav S., I did not read the "Narodnaya Gazeta", where everything is so well explained by the session. I worked on the one hand, the Constitutional Commission, and on the other hand, was involved in the development of the electoral law. .. Now you are prepared question is not included, and the issue of the presidency, not prepared at all, where no documents are not distributed to the deputies, the question that has not discussed the Constitutional Commission in its full session, you have here … Where is the logic in you, Stanislav S.?
Shushkevich: Mr Valentin Fedorovich, are you saying that I have no logic. I'm sorry, I will not say that you do not. Do you have it. But it is kind of you. "
At the request of 20 members chairman was forced to submit to the word of the opposition chairman of the Belarusian Popular Front Poznyak. Next, I quote verbatim.
On the podium of the Supreme Council — the chairman of the opposition Popular Front Zenon Pozniak. June 1991
Pozniak "… Neither the Supreme Soviet communism nor communist Council of Ministers for the year of its existence, really did not do anything to improve the situation of the people of Belarus. On the contrary, his inaction, anti-democratic, kowtowing to Moscow and the Communist Party, its anti-people policy of supporting the colonial regime in the country aggravated the situation and led Belarus to the edge of the abyss. Significantly decreased production. The deficit of the national budget wa 4 months has doubled and continues to increase. By the end of the year could reach 7 billion rubles. 35 percent, which means the financial collapse of the republic and economic bankruptcy.
In such circumstances, to be held fast, radical and complete, nepalavinistyya reform transition. Stretch such reforms can not be on the fast time. After all, no. A palavinistasts only increases the economic crisis.
Meanwhile, experience has shown that no market reforms can not be realized in the absence of sovereignty. Moscow from Belarus takes five and a half billion rubles so-called sales tax. More than 7 billion — the military costs of the Soviet army. Garrisons and strategic nuclear bases. Belarus does not actually dispose of the results of its people, their resources and their future.
Experience has also shown that there are no market-oriented reforms are not possible in a monopoly of the communist regime of administrative … Under the Communists slovabludtva on the market and make the redistribution of state assets stolen from the people in the party property, seek to upgrade rotten administrative system.
Thus, the sovereignty, the independence of Belarus, departyzatsyya are primary conditions for market reforms in Belarus and a guarantee to improve people's livelihood. The opposition Popular Front in the Supreme Council proposes to include in the agenda of the session, the following questions and consider them as a priority.
First. On giving the Declaration of Sovereignty of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic of the constitutional status of the law. The second. About partization court, prosecutor's office, the Interior Ministry, the KGB, businesses and organizations. The third. About the law on elections to the Belarusian Soviet Union. Fourth. On the formation of a transitional government based on a coalition. Fifth. On the basic principles of decentralization, privatization and economic development Belorussian SSR. Sixth. On the Soviet army and military service in the territory of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic. Seventh. Citizenship Belarus.
… In addition I want to add that I am a Member of Parliament has not yet received a single document, a bolt of one bill, which was put to the session. The agenda we have today only on the tables in front of the entrance to this room. "
The Communists are on the attack
In general, the process of making the issues on the agenda of the session was important for us also because it occurred on the first day of the session when the body was straight and radio broadcasts, and it was possible to convey their views to millions of people in Belarus.
Keep this in mind and the Communists.
Began to attack the second secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC Alex Kamay. His speech was focused solely on television and radio audiences.
Kamay "Now the opposition Popular Front demands from MPs review … laws, making them only the right decision, and he should say so right now … lard to the extreme anti-communism cusp of MP Pozniak suggests that the opposition is not interested in social issues and economic situation in the country. (Not true — at that point we have made in the Sun two dozen bills, all of which were rejected by pro-communist parliamentary majority — SN) arrow takes questions from political issues and focuses attention on them … Today just say that the problems partization rise to a wave of black passion, terror of the Communists around at the session of the Supreme Council of … I bring proposals to remove from the point 27 of the agenda three questions — about partization state enterprises and organizations of the de-politicization of law enforcement and the property of the CPSU, PBC. "
Navumchyk (the opposition BNF): "After we adopted the agenda, item 8, paragraph 20, which provides for the law on the presidency and on the legal regime of emergency, it thereby effectively paved the way for the establishment of rigid dictatorship. And this brutal regime may be real, provided if we do not fulfill the requirements that are expressed, a respected member of Kamay, not the opposition and some political parties, and the people who expressed hundreds of thousands of people. "
Antonchick (Apazytsytsya BNF): "I really enjoyed the distinguished deputy Kama. For all of you and for me and for Belarus, it became clear that the Communist Party of Belarus will never give up the property that she has appropriated and never departyzuetstsa "
Tikhinya (Secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC): "Dear people's deputies requirements of depoliticization partization are anti-constitutional. They contradict the norms of Soviet law and international law."
Sadowski (the opposition BNF): "Dear Comrade Tikhinya and respected comrade Kamay used the term" party "," our Communist Party. "Equates between her and the parliamentary parties, which are meant in international documents. This is not the same thing. As already mentioned, this is a private party. This party, which merged with the state. "
Secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC B. Tikhinya, second secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC, A. Kamal, and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC A. Malofeev. 1991
When the session proceeded to consider the proposals of the opposition BNF package of proposals, the debate has become even more stress. The most important for us was the question of independence.
Navumchyk "Stanislav S., as you know, the proposals that were submitted for the agenda of the Opposition should be placed first on the agenda. Because without first sentence, without giving the Declaration of Sovereignty of the status of constitutional law can not be a radical solution to any other problems" .
Dementey: "If the Commission has not considered when the Commission did not express its relations, the Supreme Council of the spur of the moment are not accepted and will not accept"
Dementey cunning — the majority of the parliamentary committees also held the Communists, and it was very difficult, almost impossible, to carry through their solutions. By the way, then the phrase "work through commissions!" Will become the standard in the mouth Shushkevich as chairman Sun
The second call for standard pro-government deputies were — finish to talk, do not politicians (and that — in parliament!), Must take the economy (how the Communists took up the economy in a moment).
That's deputy opposition BNF Ales Fool criticizes the government:
Jester: "Over the past year, and only heard: Kebich reported to the Bureau of the Central Committee of the PBC Myasnikovich heard the same, squashed reported at the same address. To whom, comrades, you give the report? Claimed, the cabinet and the Supreme Council of … not Durham Belarusian people are not satisfied with the economic demands … Vyacheslav Frantsevich, be of good cheer and TENS. year has passed — and the failure is obvious. tendered his resignation of the Cabinet. pitch is unusual for our relitktavay Republic, but it will be a fair move. And this, in its turn, will create a transitional government … "
Do not have time to fool sit down as deputy to go to the podium and read a letter Danilevich "simple collective farmer, 43 years completed":
"We beg you to protect the session, as can our government. We think it's very good. Did today what will change if we change it? Of course not. Avoid political ambitions … and the session should be no political issues and business matters to be considered. "
For inclusion in the agenda of the session, on the formation of a coalition government of national trust voted 42 deputies. The proposal did not pass.
Communists are in the business of budget lost 100 million
Accusing the mouth of the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Kama Opposition BNF is that we "are not interested in the issues of socio-economic situation in the country", the communist parliamentary majority originally reacted to the events which have a direct bearing on the economy and social sphere.
On them said in his speech, the deputy opposition BNF Yuri Belenky — one of our best economists that Prime Minister Kebich said that he was ready to offer him the post of Deputy Minister of Finance (spoken, but never offered).
Parliamentary opposition BNF. A trip to Mogilev. 1990. From left to right — Zenon Pozniak, Boris Gunther, Oleg Trusov, Valentin Golubev, Yuri Belenky
Belenky): "Dear deputies, March 7 this year First Deputy Prime Minister of our Myasnikovich signed on behalf of the Council of Ministers of the Byelorussian SSR, USSR agreement with the ICB. In violation of the Law of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic on banks and banking activities, and we have adopted the decision on privatizing ICB Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic. I would say that this is not just a violation, and the cynical violation and flagrant violation of the … In fact, the USSR passed Promstroybank one-third of credit. I took the documents to the National Bank, made the request. According to their calculations of Belarus lost about a hundred million rubles a year … Please include in the agenda and to consider the issue. "
Thus, the conclusions of the annual budget of 100 million rubles (even those weighty rubles).
This — the budget of a small (but not the smallest) of the town. In a democratic parliament that would be the subject of a special investigation may create a special commission.
In our pro-communist speech Belenky Supreme Council also did not go unnoticed — it instantly reacted Chairman of Planning and Budget Committee of the Supreme Roman Granddaughter in the recent past — the first secretary of the city committee of the Communist Party Novogrudskii.
Granddaughter RI "Dear deputies! Indeed, such an agreement is signed by representatives of Promstroybank Myasnikovich and the Soviet Union … I think there is no need to make this issue today before the session of the Supreme Council. I think we have to consider the commission and find common approaches to address this issue …
Shushkevich: Who is to include in the agenda the question of the violation of the Council of Ministers of the Belarusian SSR, Byelorussian SSR legislation? "
"For" — only 73 MPs.
So the question is not included in the session, well, at the commission meeting Belenky and other members of the BNF could act much like — these meeting took place behind closed doors, without the press and the decision taken by vote with the full advantage of the Communists.
(The following biography granddaughters — illustration Pozniak said that we heard on the day of the "redistribution of property" and an example of how the Communists were arranged in the business, and not only in the business. Yet holding the position of Chairman of the Commission of the sun, was the granddaughter of the chairman of "Belinvestbank "and then later was assistant to the president of Belarus, then deputy prime minister, then, upon reaching retirement age — Chairman of the Supervisory Board of" Belagroprombank ").
If it makes sense to fight
Issues on the agenda of the session represented Stanislav Shushkevich, and the transcript of the session recorded a very noticeable dialogue, which gives an idea of its relation to our own, the opposition deputies BPF offers.
Tsumari: YA "… the decision of the Belarusian government and the media. This is all set and agreed by the Commission and logged on. Why it did not even put to a vote? I understand, the session may vote against it, but because you give vote.
Shushkievich SS To answer you honestly, why?
Tsumari YA Please.
Shushkievich SS Because its results are known. And we're just wasting our time with you.
Tsumari YA very wise for the Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council, the very wise.
Shushkievich SS I'm just analyzing the situation. I can be this happy. Please, I recorded your suggestions. "
Note that if you follow such wisdom and such analysis — then there would be no sense to us, the members of the opposition Belarusian Popular Front, nothing to offer and no way to fight — we had the same in Parliament only a tenth, and decide not to reasoning and arithmetic.
But we have offered, and often fought — won.
However, on that day, May 21, the proposal to include in the agenda the question of giving the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the status of constitutional law (in fact, the proclamation of the Independence) gained only 118 votes.
But in the next few days and we were able to prevent the imposition of emergency rule and the introduction of the post of the president.
"… The opportunity to save the corrupt, praklinaemaga all nations regime"
After two weeks of the session BNF MP Michael Kryzhanovsky asked for at the beginning of one of the meetings. He said that before the end of the session there is not much time, but none on water solutions of the main issues pending (meaning giving the Declaration of Sovereignty of the constitutional status of forces and departyzatsyya). "Yesterday, for example, collected from the members of the Minsk area, and distinguished members of Tsishkevich and Korotchenya informed that we will soon have to accept, approve and elect a president even at that session. Why do members of the Presidium of the material is about the president, and the deputies not? Why do we ngyya have any material on the issues that were raised during the April workers performing? "
According to the parliamentary correspondent of "Narodnaya Gazeta" Sergei Plytkevich, the discussion of the law "On the Legal Status of nadvychyaaynaga position" (represented by the Deputy Minister of Justice Dashuk and chairman of the parliamentary commission Mieczyslaw Mushroom) — "it was very, very rough." Here are some quotes.
Gregory Vechersky: We just those condemned the repressive measures that were already in our history, and now again try to pass a law in which virtually all rehabilitated and resuscitated. Where's the point?
Leonid Dashuk, Deputy Minister of Justice — referred to the fact that already passed the "union" law "On legal regime of the state of emergency" and that, they say, do not link the possibility of a state of emergency only with political motives — may be a natural disaster, catastrophe and epidemics.
Mieczyslaw Mushroom, chairman of the Armed Forces gave a supplementary report and, of course, supported the adoption of the law.
The deputies of the Byelorussian SSR Z. Sun Pozniak, Stankevich and S. Navumchyk at a rally in front of Government House. 1991
Sergei Navumchyk (the opposition BNF): I very carefully read the draft of the law, because the day before, as we know, at the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU made Deputy of the USSR, the first secretary of the Communist Party of Belarus Malafeev and offered to introduce something similar within the Union. But in 73 years, we have seen that all these methods dictate anything we were not given. And now I do not agree with the speakers that we supposedly are making only the norm, and that does not mean that we will introduce a state of emergency. Dear MPs, let's not kid ourselves!
Igor Pyrh (police colonel, the opposition BNF): Seventy years to the state of emergency had absolutely no legitimate reason, but such a regime existed. And its results are obvious. Why did it happen? Because monopoly power in the hands of one political force leads to the fact that society and the state have no control over the implementation of emergency. And now we have changed nothing. However, perhaps it is time when it is difficult to decide questions on the support of emergency in the offices. It was therefore necessary to adopt a law to take every opportunity to save the corrupt, praklinaemaga all nations regime. And there is no social security and the law will be used to pressure from any political force on the other.
Alexander Jester (the opposition BNF): What are the objectives of the law, and whether the situation in our lives, to apply it? Now, on the eve of strastsi filled partization and the nationalization of the property known to all of us. But in 1986, when there really was a tragedy, no reason not thought of such a law, people took to the May Day demonstrations and knew nothing of the danger.
Gennady Lavitskaya (General, the Deputy Chairman of the KGB): I, too, nesympatychny the law, in my opinion, is the only zkon, that should never have come into play in our country, but to make it right.
Vladimir Novik (the opposition BNF): Dear deputies I encourage all of you to look at the sixth article of the Constitution of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic, where citizens are guaranteed basic rights of freedom. The law does not refer to this article and gives his definition of the right of citizens. How can we consider a law that infringes on the Constitution?
Valery Tikhinya, secretary of the Central Committee of the CPB: Democracy is illegal — it's all coming anarchy consequences. And we can not put things in our constitutional order of the republic, when the tyranny and anarchy, calling for the overthrow of the existing social order will not stop. On this and said Anatoly Malafeev. I therefore support the Commission's proposal on the legality of the need for the law "On legal regime of the state of emergency."
Anatoly Turk: In anger and shame, the bill can not cause anything. Instead of consciously control system was tuned, it seeks to unite all the forces that unite impossible. Say, well, except now you can get workers in cooperatives to provide corporate assistance to the village, clean streets and free to work on the construction?
Michael Sukach: This vsedazvolenasts, which allow the highest echelons of power in our society, immoral rastrachvanne funds as a result we were at an impasse, and no one is and is not going to take any responsibility — it is impossible in any other state. And at the same time qualify for the continued existence and ask people "stick" — so this is more than a cheek! I understand that discipline is necessary. But it is not just for people, but above all — for guidance. So I am for emergency measures for the government and propose to establish a commission to develop an alternative project of the opposite purpose, to protect the people from the emergency, the anti-crisis measures. I call upon the people's deputies — members of the Communist Party, which are democratic parliamentary club, distance themselves from the adventurous policy of the party group in the Supreme Council, which acts as an initiator of laws aimed against the constitutional rights of our society.
Valentin Golubev (the opposition BNF): What can be introduced special form of government that can be canceled with all laws, can only be an anti-state revolution is done by people who have seized power by force or no longer able to rule in accordance with state laws.
This was the case when we, the members of the position of the Belarusian Popular Front, and was able to successfully apply the parliamentary rostrum (reasoning and emotional), and parliamentary lobby (with many of those who waver, have negotiated a "one on one" — and voted "for" 158 deputies.
Supporter of the state of emergency did not have 15 votes (for positive solutions had to be 173).
The Emergency Law was not adopted.
And when the August 19, 1991 in Moscow, the self-proclaimed state of emergency is a coup in the Soviet Union sent — it gave us the right to question its validity.
The presidency is deferred for three years
Having suffered a fiasco with the state of emergency, the Communists forced the idea prezydenttva.
And asked to choose president possible rather — at the session.
Then, in June of '91, it seemed to many that the presidency was planned to "turn Kebich." In favor of this version — the position in one of the projects that the president can only lawmaker Akad. Kebich it was Malafeev — no. But Malafeev was a people's deputy of the USSR, and at the time of voting a separate section of the law parliamentary majority could easily make the addition "… or deputy of the USSR." Or — even remove the mention of deputatstvo.
"The opposition is firmly announced that he did not accept the idea. Before voting Zenon Pozniak's proposed laws against the people" — said his report to the session, the correspondent of "Narodnaya Gazeta".
Indeed, we were convinced that the introduction of the post of the president (and even a popularly elected) will lead to an excessive concentration of power in one hand and inevitably end dictatorship.
But if at the emergency law we could find allies among the "neutral" members, then with the presidency was more difficult. But what to say — in a simple, hopeless. For the introduction of the post of president was Shushkievich (True, he hesitated for a tenure of the Supreme Council — but eventually agreed). With the presidency tied his political future had Gennady Karpenko and Viktor Gonchar — and then nothing we appeal to the laws of social development did not work.
Although the majority of the deputies so-called rating voting in June 1991, called for the introduction — in the future — as president, in those days, we were able to do the main thing: to prevent the introduction of the presidential office and the election of the president directly at the session.
I am convinced that if, in August 1991 Malafeev would have powers of the president — events could have a worst-case scenario for the Belarusian independence. Again, I remind you that even after the fate of the coup was understandable Malafeev at a meeting of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme was the only one who refrained from condemning the coup — so much he had a desire to preserve the empire in its unaltered, the communist version. Two days later, August 24, 1991, we were herded Malafeeva from the podium — as a failed first secretary of the bankrupt party. This spectacle (usyasilnaga first secretary of the Central Committee of the PBC are driven from the platform) has broken the will to resist the Communists and helped us to make their decisions. With the president do that, I think, would be impossible. And even if we manage to August 25 to give the Declaration of Sovereignty of the constitutional status of forces — under the authoritarian president of Belarus would not have had those three years, until July 1994, which, though not ideally, but made it possible for the Revival.
In those days of June we were able to delay the onset of authoritarianism — for three years, but to distract ….