Could workers to storm the house by Karl Marx?

Society — You look like dressed that robe neatly! And stood at the bench would be, would not be so beautiful. Go, chystsenkaya, work in a factory? Feel that this work ruble!.

The words of an old woman picked up the other, and Galina first wanted to get away from all these angry people back to the city council. How to make the ruble, she knew from childhood, but by working in education, has received much less those who now filled the Lenin Square.

— I am a member of the Minsk City Council Galina Vashenko. I come to you, ask about what you want. Now we are having session, and if you choose five people, and they will try to hold the session.

Galina Vashenko was the first of the deputies of the city council, who came to the area to work on the first day in April '91 workers came to Government House (of course, except for the leader of the strike committee Antonchyk Sergei, who was also a member of the Minsk city and the sun and).

No specific proposals have not expressed the workers and left the room with his head held high

After twenty years, Galina remembers exactly those dialogues in the square, and in his book "Belarus in the heart" recalls conducted several workers through a police post on the fourth floor, in the conference room of the City Council. Explains how to fit these people to the podium, spoke of the high prices and about the hard work. But no concrete proposals have not expressed and working out of the room with his head held high.

Lenin Square, April 4, 1991

Galina recalls and how a woman when a huge column moved to the Victory Square to the television station to demand live television, said, "We must now urge the government of all, because today we, the workers, come up to you and, if necessary, will dispel teletsentar this brick by brick. Tomorrow may be too late, do not you understand? '.

In the following days, the number of workers in the area has actually become smaller.

Later we will go back to what could have been done in the early days (in his book "Belarus in the heart of the" Galina says that on the first day we have not achieved anything: lacked a leader "), and now — about what had been achieve.

What role did the BNF?

"Before the pure rush of workers prymazalisya those who seek benefits for themselves … The actions of the strike committee felt the hand of skilled organizers .." — said in those days of April, speaking on Belarusian TV, the first deputy chairman of the Supreme Shushkievich (in another interview, he elaborated " organizers "- members of the opposition Belarusian Popular Front). Shushkievich actually served as the formal head of state since just after the start of strikes Dementey ill.

Leaving aside the kind of vocabulary ("prymazalisya", "benefits for themselves"), ask: what then is the skill politics if not the ability to make their ideas more actively, at a particular historical moment, a part of the community? It's a question of criterion — or correct, justified idea. By choosing the idea of independence, led by the Popular Front Zenon Pazniak consistently sought their goal, and it would be unforgivable not just take a chance, which appeared in April 1991.

On the first day of the strike was a "sausage": workers came out of the factory floor only economic demands next day, when they came to Government House, have already put forward political demands — partization and new elections. And in a few days, one of the main slogans of the strikers was — giving the Declaration of Sovereignty of the status of constitutional power.

And it is — the result of working with leaders of the labor movement BPF, first of all — members of the parliamentary opposition.

On the square in front of Government House workers also went on the path trodden BNF

"What is the role played in the April events BNF? Considerable — claimed in those days in the" News of BPF "Yuri Drakakhrust. — First, the two-year-triggered activity BNF, meetings, articles in the press, the work of the opposition in the Armed Forces of the Republic. During this time, the BNF has not become a mass movement. Broad social strata like and do not listen to the program of measures to overcome the crisis (and could not hear: the program is not printed BNF no official newspaper, they glossed over the radio and television — SN.), Called for the creation of structures of influence, including the strike committee. As it turned out, did not listen, but still heard. And when the time came, and remembered the first steps and words of negotiations … The requirements are similar strike committees for program BNF. On the square in front of Government House workers also went on the path trodden BNF. .. In addition, the BPF influenced, so to speak, organizationally. In 1988, he filed a civil life of different people united opposition to totalitarianism. BPF group could be very small — a few people at a huge plant, but they were almost everywhere .. When the strike began, members of the Popular Front were in place. Many of them were included in the strike committees, become their leaders. They immediately gave the movement organized. The political experience of members of the Popular Front in the factories to help the workers in their struggle. "

Sergei Antonchick speaks at payazhenni strike committee. Left — Alexander Galkevich. 1991 vykadrovki soundtrack.

I will not hide formulate political slogans workers helped BPF (actually, the bevy of co Sergei Antonchick, Georg Mukhin, Gennady Bykov, Ivan Yurgevich were members of the Popular Front and included in the "frontovskie" elected bodies, and the significant role played by a member of the Popular Front Sojm Ivashkevich).

But I can testify, in those days, to impose anything working without their desire was absolutely impossible (functionaries of the Communist Party, which advocated the preservation of the USSR, and has not been able to do with all their propaganda machine and "gebeshnom" agentury).
What is the reason that by highlighting the vital political slogans, strike, despite its scale, paradoxically, did not have a clear, concrete political results?

The leaders of the strike was not just

And here I have to say that was not spoken publicly all these 20 years — about our personal relationship with some of the leaders of the strike.

So, at the head of the strike committee were activists of the labor movement who were both activists and BNF.

But many of stratskamavtsav zealous attempts to lead the opposition deputies BPF worker protest. "You — politicians, we — the workers." It would seem natural: if one of the leaders of the strike committee decided to advise me, a journalist, how to write an article, I'm afraid I have had exposure to two minutes. But it was not the scope of production, technology, and — the political, where the division into "classes" looked constructive. In addition, the political experience we had incomparably greater.

Played a role and ambitions: yesterday leaders of strike committees were not well known, but today they are — at the center of attention on their word depends on where to go after them hundreds of thousands of people that meet in the area, and because they were talking with the leaders of the Supreme Council and Government .

With some leaders of the labor movement had to use various diplomatic receptions

I have not had any problems in the relationship with Sergei Antonchick, but with some other leaders of the labor movement who were deputies of the aircraft had to apply various diplomatic tricks to God forbid, do not hurt their ambitions and at the same time — we achieve the desired political result . Sometimes succeeded, sometimes — not.

Well, at least the following example.

If the original agreement with the authorities of the strike committee to provide daily air time was broken, the workers resumed their strike on April 10. In the House of the Government to send a delegation, and Sergei Antonchick asked me to go with them.

Negotiations led the first deputy chairman of the Supreme Belorussian Stanislav Shushkevich.

The talks with the leaders of the strike committee first deputy chairman of the Supreme Belorussian S.Shushkevich. April 10, 1991

At some point, when I saw that Shushkievich lead the conversation away from the topic, I had to take the floor and speak, as technically should look pradststavlenne of (yet, I was at the time one of the head of the parliamentary commission on the media, and as coordinator of the opposition Popular Front was engaged in "knocking out" air time, so that the experience of dealing with the management of Radio and Television had plenty). In addition to some technical issues, I suggested that straykamavtsy themselves choose who will sit in front of TV cameras (thus, together with the workers would sit down and deputies of the Opposition Popular Front, and on his return from the United States and Pozniak, ether half an hour every day could dramatically affect the public consciousness) .

Stanislav S. sensed danger. I must admit that Stanislav S. as vice-speaker of the learned "siege" of the opponents (especially often he did it against us, members of the opposition Belarusian Popular Front).
Shushkievich asked in what capacity I actually am here: If a journalist — he must record and be silent if a politician — what does it have to the labor movement? For me, this tactic Shushkevich was not a novelty, but straykamavtsy lost.

Ideally, further discussion would have to go as follows: straykamavtsy would have to say that we have entrusted to the Member negotiate live on our behalf, and we provide everything he tells you.

And Sergei Antonchick tried to prove that it is they, straykamavtsy, invited me to negotiate, but the support of the other participants were not. I had to keep quiet. Straykamavtsy agreed on what they offered Shushkievich (he even gave a "written guarantee" — but also politically and legally it was a piece of paper), and as a result the workers deprived even of those 5 minutes of ether, which they had.

Storm of the Central Committee?

As could would use the first two days of the strike, when workers came to Government House?

Incidentally, the original workers came to the wrong place, where in fact at the time decisions were made — at least, in the days when there was no session Sun It is not in the Government House was the center of political decision-making, and in the Central Committee of the PBC in the building of Karl Marx (now there placed the administration of President). The Communist Party controlled the Supreme Council, the entire leadership of the government was part of the Central Committee of the PBC and obey the decision of the Bureau of the Central Committee
Obey them, and chairman of Sun Dementey. In the first days of the strike Dementey sick and perform the duties of the formal head of state became his deputy Shushkievich. Unlike Dementei, he was a member of the Central Committee, but in the days of strikes acted as look, in line with the interests of the staff of the Communists.

How could be used differently and more efficiently the first two days of the strike, when workers gathered more than a hundred thousand?

The first thing is — it's a crowd of a hundred thousand workers to redirect to the "headquarters of the party of the working class," the building of the Central Committee. I think it was really a pity that such a thought had not occurred labor leader.

But let's say — have been on the avenue and came to the house by Karl Marx.

But — what's next?


Imagine though a spectacular sight: workers zminayuts duty police officers (in the CC were the only two people on each of the two inputs), hundreds of people filled the lobby, climb to the fifth floor — and here it is, first secretary of the Central Committee of the Cabinet Malafeeva. Well, Comrade Malafeev, leader of the working class and people's deputy of the USSR — down to the square, to the workers, to the people! That's not the box, and an elevator (lift suddenly rat stroke is associated with the metro so uderesh) — on the stairs, legs, legs! …

Pulled out to the leaders of the Central Committee of the square, and safes in the offices would be opened, would show Worldwide, What is the "party of the proletariat."

That — whether really could work to storm the Central Committee?

My answer is — yes, they could.

But on the question of what I do not have a clear answer — what the consequences would assault.

Shushkievich agreed and said that the government has other means. In Orsha was sent Special Forces

For me, no doubt, that the workers would be employed police and troops (if April 24 Orsha railway workers took to the rails, and Sergei Antonchick Shushkevich came to ask for airtime to address orshantsev — Shushkievich agreed and said that the government has other means. In Orsha was sent special forces). And even if we imagine that the bodyguard Malafeeva (as first secretary of the Central Committee, he had it) did not apply to weapons (under the instruction was required, but what can you do pistol against the crowd?) — In the days that Minsk would have been in a state of emergency (later to become known that, in the basement of the Government House somewhere 10-111 April were introduced hundreds of riot police, who had been brought there from Central Asia, or the Caucasus). Well, and what were capable of the Soviet army and KGB, three months before the strikes of the events in Lithuania. I think also that the troops under the protection of the Communist deputies would feel confident, not confused, and in August, when it was possible to accept independence.

Minute effect on the storming of the Central Committee would be burned out tanks on the streets of Minsk.

The only behavior that seems to me the real and the gift is not used in that situation — is that workers have come to the Central Committee, took the building in the siege and achieve their economic and political demands. To implement these requirements, there was only one mechanism — the adoption of relevant decisions by the Supreme Council. So, it was necessary to convene an extraordinary session.

Without Pozniak

"The lack of in Minsk in these critical days of the Front st deputy leader of the opposition in the Byelorussian SSR, the sun Zenon Pozniak has a very negative impact. Belorussian opposition in the sun these days looks a little helpless, even to the simple idea of collecting signatures to demand an extraordinary session, it came as an afterthought " — Wrote in "News of BPF" Yuri Drakakhrust.

I cite this quote to partially agree with the first terminal (about Pozniak), and the second challenge (of the opposition). Since the second and start.

It's hard to say, on the basis of what Yuri did then his conclusion about MPs. April 4, when workers first came to Government House, I was in Minsk was not — but a few days later I returned from Vitebsk, precisely because, as someone said of his colleagues in the opposition (I think Valentin Golubev, and can Galina Semdyanova — now and I do not remember) — it is necessary to prepare for the session.

The draft statement of opposition MPs BNF April 1991. From the archives of S. Navumchyk.

I still have a draft statement of the opposition Popular Front — the beginning of handwritten Golubev continued — my own. However, simply state the need to convene an extraordinary session is not enough, you need to collect the signatures of deputies.

Preserved and the original typewritten statement signed by MPs under the requirement to convene a session — just me (just after the arrival of Vitebsk) had to collect the signatures. It is approximately 6-7 April, I do not think that this is a "significant delay".

Collect signatures was not easy: most of the deputies had departed, had to "sit on the phone" — but, even after receiving the consent, it was necessary to obtain the original signature, as soon as he had the legal power.

We demanded the convening of an extraordinary session with giving her the constitutional powers of the Declaration of State Sovereignty

The statement we require the convening of an extraordinary session with giving her the constitutional powers of the Declaration of State Sovereignty, deciding on partization, nationality Belarus, on private property in zchyamlyu about military service, as well as the formation of a coalition government of national trust and aentykryzysnym budget. Also, we offered to take us developed a new electoral law on the basis of multi-party.

Statement of opposition deputies BNF about strikes. April 1991. From the archives of S. Navumchyk

April 16 I gave this statement to the press, which was under the signatures of 25 deputies, April 30, that number had reached their fortieth for convening the session had to be at least 115 signatures.

Now the leader of the Belarusian Popular Front and the parliamentary opposition.

Washington fully supported Gorbachev would not hear about any sovereignty of the republics

Paznyaka really in Belarus in April was not — along with members of Levon Borshevsky and Vladimir Zablotskii he was on the American continent. This trip was preparing the Belarusian Diaspora in the U.S. and Canada, and had two goals. First — as it was defined by Pozniak, to "break the economic blockade of Belarus," prove to the American politicians stand on the prospects of the Belarusian Popular Front of the Soviet Union and the right to an independent Belarusian state (Washington fully supported Gorbachev would not hear about any sovereignty of the republics, except the Baltic). The second — to tell the Western society of the Chernobyl disaster in Belarus (aid to the victims already had been established diaspora in Canada has acted fund led by Ivonka Survila, but the scale of the disaster extorted state aid).

Information about the output of workers to the Government House on April 4 to Pozniak reached (for the difference between Minsk and U.S. time) if the strike decided to take a break and give leadership Belorussian time to study the workers' demands. I spun in those with Pazniak not talk — home phone I did not have to call in the Supreme Council of America we could not. Pozniak usually called to the apartment Valentin Golubev, who gave detailed information about what is happening in Belarus. How then told me Pozniak, he immediately began to find out possible would be to return to Minsk. It turned out that it is very difficult — it was necessary to order tickets, and had to go back through Moscow or Leningrad (direct flights from the Americas in Minsk was not there). Zyanyalo to all this, at best, a five-day march. In addition, it meant — to break all agreements in Congress, State Department and other government and public institutions. Pozniak trip organizers convinced that this is not worth it.

There was another reason not to stop the visit: the strike was gradually declining. The most "peak" (the number of people who took to the streets) fell just on April 4.

Of course, Pozniak with his exceptional political insight, analytical skills, ability to mobilize supporters and opponents to block (if you can not convince them) — could make it so that the strike would have a political result. That is — would have made political demands (independence, departyzatsyya, new elections).

But again — it was to call for an extraordinary session of the Supreme Council and convene it could only be either the chairman of Presidium of the Supreme Sun

But those days in Minsk was a man who had a much larger than Pozniak, political and administrative capabilities and actually ran the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. And, strictly speaking, chaired the sun instead Dementei who was sick.

This — the first deputy chairman of the Supreme Belorussian Stanislav Shushkevich. All of its public "posts" (People's Deputy of the USSR in 1989th, People's Deputy of the BSSR and the first deputy chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Byelorussian SSR in 1990th) thanks to the support he received BNF. And we can count on his support.

However Shushkievich took the side of the Communist leadership.

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