In Warsaw pamphlet Zenon Pozniak "Declaration — the first step to independence" to mark the 20th anniversary of the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the BSSR and education opposition Belarusian Popular Front in the Supreme Council. In an interview with the author of Liberty recalls the events of 20 years ago.
Pozniak: 11th May 1990 held Soim BNF, which confirmed that the independence of Belarus is the political objective of the Popular Front. It was decided to hold the conference agulnafrontavskay "Independent Belarus". The conference was held in Minsk in late May. It was attended by deputies from the BNF councils at all levels, as well as delegates from all over the country. Keynote speech made chairman Front (either adherent servant). The Conference adopted a decision on the fight for independence.
In early June, the text frontovskoy declaration of independence of Belarus was prepared and submitted to the deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the front as a draft document of the state legislature.
It should be borne in mind that the word "independence" was played at that time for some blasphemy Communist nomenklatura, which could be said except that the "enemies of Soviet power." And the meaning of the word "sovereignty" is a good half of them do poorly understood, some do not even know how to pronounce correctly. And then suddenly — "Declaration of Independence".
Stunned nomenclature listened to a report in the dead silence. Then the Communist majority filled up our project by voting.
Meanwhile, the struggle for power in the imperial CPSU between Yeltsin and Gorbachev began to take comic elements. The Bolshevik-Imperials talking about sovereignty. On June 12, 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, under the chairmanship of Yeltsin adopted the "Declaration of State Sovereignty of the RSFSR", which provided (zavvazhtse!) priority of Russian laws over the union. Clearly, this has dramatically increased the political weight of Yeltsin, who was the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.
Gorbachev immediately came up with his kontraplyan sovereignty (to limit Yeltsin). Gorbachev's plan consisted of two phases. In the beginning was offered to all "union" of the Republic adopted the Declaration of Sovereignty (but formal), and then sign a new treaty of alliance (of the project which indicated that all would be right with the Moscow authorities of the USSR, that is — in the Gorbachev). In its plan Gorbachev began play in June of 1990. Soon, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR and the leadership of the Central Committee of the CPB received a recommendation from Moscow to prepare and adopt the Declaration of Sovereignty "in the composition of the USSR."
I remember confused "Ready-to-fulfillment" the face of our original communist "Speaker" Nicholas Dementei. They just filled up our frontovskoe draft declaration and said that no independence can not be, and then on to you — such a turn.
We, the deputies of the opposition Popular Front Gorbachev used this game (which he lost) full and involved in writing the Declaration. General text, which was written almost entirely by us, I am (at the suggestion of Chairman of the Armed Forces Leonid Kozik) were represented at the session of the opposition Belarusian Popular Front (the Commission was represented by L. Kozik). The results of the voting article by article, in general, were in our favor, but at the end of the discussion, the situation deteriorated to the point before the general voting could occur revision is already accepted and vyhaloshchvanne achieved.
Communist majority had a numerical advantage over us in 10-12. Win their vote directly was impossible in principle. To win over a majority (which, at first glance, it seemed improbable) we have developed tactics that I called for itself "political jujitsu" (dyudyutsu) — that is to win the opponent, using his strength against him. We
used a parliamentary incompetence and laziness of the nomenclature of Deputies, parliamentary arganizavanasts bad, mediocre intellectual level, and most importantly (without which there were no wins) — the psychological aspect: their rabid hatred of the Belarusian Popular Front and the desire to mindlessly and hard to do in spite of all the deputy Front. It is this hatred we directed at the service of the Belarusian Popular Front. Forced them to vote against us, but for our interests (as they once did not guess). During 1990-91. This tactic did not let down. We used it during the adoption of the Declaration of Sovereignty (our famous provocative way out of the room, which made the communist concrete and forget about the audit in the wake of emotional disturbance and anti-BNF to take the whole entire text of the Declaration with all our votes provisions). In the 345-communist front the Supreme Council, in a formal situation hopeless for us (the opposition "tridtsatka" BNF) was mainly the result. And we have achieved. In the words of David's enemies Grodno: "We were a little — do not wait for mercy!"
The adoption of the Declaration of Sovereignty without constitutional norms of the rule of Belarusian law (nomenclature has filled up with this situation) does not mean the independence of the country and, as if, at first glance, little has changed, especially given the presence of the colonial administration and the pro-Moscow with Soviet nomenklatura.
Yet the Declaration me a lot. It was the first real step to real independence. Laid the legal foundation and made the basis for the further conduct of government and society on the path to independence. Keep in mind that under the National ideology was so badly destroyed in the Belarusian society, people afraid to be free, many are not even imagine how it will be possible to live without the USSR. To strengthen these concepts zbochanyh 70 years as Moscow's propaganda. The adoption of the Declaration of Sovereignty has made a large positive shift in the consciousness of Belarusians. People began to realize samakashtovnasts nation and freedom.
The declaration has enabled us, the members of the Belarusian Popular Front, actually work in the Supreme Council of the legislative framework of an independent state, to prepare citizenship laws on banks and banking, the Armed Forces of Belarus money, land and
economic reforms, etc. The words "sovereignty" and "independence" are official terms, entered the public consciousness and the power of the bureaucracy. Finally, this document was ready for a quick declaration of independence, it is enough was to make its constitutional law, and enlist the support of the people.
After the adoption of the Declaration of Sovereignty of the society support the ideas of freedom and independence has increased many times. And when a year later, August 25, 1991, after the historic and extraordinary emergency session of the Supreme Soviet of the Byelorussian SSR came the long-awaited day of independence, then (and this is particularly take into account), the main political
and legal framework of the independent Belarus (and, above all, the Declaration, which gave status constitutional powers) were already prepared. And the second — were already prepared and just society, our people. It only remained to approve and implement the political will. And this was done with the active and decisive position of deputies of the People's Front.
August 25, 1991 was the greatest day in our history — the Day of the real state of independence of Belarus. The Declaration was the eve of this historic day.
Radio Liberty: How do you assess the modern historiography devoted to the events of 1990-91?
Pozniak: The government that abolished the state celebration of the Declaration of Independence and controls the ideology and science, destroys the national culture, such a power does not allow for adequate and proper reflection of this event. What we are seeing in the mode officialdom. Frequent (and will continue on) attempts to falsify the events of silence, preaching half-truths, manipulation, peratuzvannya facts, etc. in the style of Moscow's propaganda.
So far, the "interpreters" hinders the existence of a policy frontovskih BPF opposition deputies, who have achieved a historical victory of the Belarusian struggle for freedom and independence, and who know a lot about the affairs of the Communist nomenklatura, which fought against. The names of such members of our wrestlers as Yuri Belenky, Sergey Popkov, Nicholas Kryzhanovskii, Lavon Borshevsky Valentin Golubev, Oleg Trusov, Galina Semdyanova, Sergey Antonchick, Sergey Navumchyk, Alexander Sosna, Levon Deiko, Victor Alampiev, Gennady Pear, Nikolai Markevich, Peter Sadowski, Levon Zdanevich, Mr Zablocki, Alexander Jester, Nicholas Velvet and other sound today and in the socio-political context of the country and deter those who would trample on our struggle and historical achievements, which for all of us to become either the most important achievement of life.
The further escapes from time revolutionary 1990-91-ies, the more people usvedamlyaetstsa justice struggle for freedom and independence, the greater grows the greatness of those already distant and events. The old Communist nomenklatura, which was lying on the deck of the path of independence, it is now felt in the air and began to adapt. Our memorably-reacting M. Dementey (which we so disrespectfully chased from office), even wrote memoirs, according to which all did it: the Constitution and the Declaration and Independence (and writes, as they say).
But I was surprised more timid and indecisive Mieczyslaw I. Mushroom. It turns out that he had fought for freedom, but the BNF prevented it from doing so. And we do not know about such a "fighter." I had to get him to devote a couple of lines in this book.
Open frontal position against the regime of the Declaration and of the deputies of the Popular Front for gaining independence recorded in the statements of Lukashenka and Marginesy — in Internet forums, where "work" spetsgrupy propagandists of the KGB. This is such a
"Level", which does not even require comment. The real impact of this kind of "propaganda" for consumers — is negative. However, the agents persistently "works" because the main task of intelligence here — destroy, destroy the debate on serious national issues and turn it into a verbal klaaku not give people an agreement to consolidate their national interests, etc.
All this, of course, has no relationship to the historiography, but there zakulissem mode, the vulgar sign that points to the subconscious behavior of the official historical writing.
Meanwhile, the national history of making national policy. The history of the occupation is not a national policy, as well as monuments of the occupiers, not the monuments of the nation's history. And Belarusian historiography can only create a Belarusian national discipline.