For a variety of historical and personal circumstances impartial multimillion Kurdish people have not been able to make an independent country.
Prior to 1920, most of the Kurds living in their own age-old lands, in the main, were part of the Ottoman Empire, a few million — lived in Iran. At the end of the second world war, according to the mandates of the League of Nations granted Britain and France, and the Treaty of Sevres in 1920 Kurds were defeated by the same municipal boundaries of the newly formed countries: Turkey, Iraq and Syria.
Now, out of the 40 millionth Kurdish ethnic group than 2.5 million people live in Syria, where are one of the main national minorities (about 9% of the population). They talk among themselves in the Kurdish dialect of Kurmanji language of interethnic communication (aka municipal) is Arabic, compactly living in built-Fri northern and north-eastern regions of the country: Qamishli, Jazeera, Al Ain Arab, Coban, Amude, Derrick, Chemko and have their own ethnic communities in Damascus, Aleppo, Nahal and other large cities of Syria.
Of the total area of the historical (ethnic) Kurdistan (about 408 sq. km.) At a fraction of Syria or the Western Kurdistan has 18 thousand square meters. km. Syrian Kurdistan has the availability of natural resources and great agricultural potential. There are more important oil fields in the country (the largest — Rumeylan) and water. One of the biggest areas of resettlement of Kurds in Syria is the plain of the Euphrates (Dzherablus and Ayn al-Arab).
The bulk of the Kurdish population (about 80%) is engaged in agriculture, with all this their richest part is less than 5% of this number. Others are working class (about 15%), intellectuals and other social strata of Syrian society. That part of the Kurds, which belongs to the workers, heterogeneous and malokvalifitsirovanna that explains the severe restriction of their abilities when choosing a job specialties. Kurdish workers compared with workers from among the Syrian Arabs are in a significantly worse position: they have virtually no social rights, subjected to harsh exploitation and discrimination, including the salaries, live under the terror of dismissal for violation of the smallest or simply on a charge of illegal political and public activities.
Kurdish bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia (about 5%) are also subject to political and social discrimination. Specifically, members of this social layer, the more educated part of the Kurdish population, make up the core of Kurdish political and public movements in the SAR, occupying senior positions in various Kurdish parties. Kurdish bourgeoisie — is the main small traders, owners of repair shops and companies that produce olive oil and soap, facial, specializing illicit affair (drug trafficking, smuggling).
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp Kurdish intellectuals in their own majority consisted of doctors, pharmacists, builders, to a lesser extent, lawyers who have received education in his time in the Soviet Union, East Germany, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, on the main strip of the Communist Parties of Syria (H.Bagdash, Yu.Feysal). At the moment they come to replace the graduates of Western European and American universities, a significant number of Kurdish youth with higher education can not get back home to work in their fields and are obliged to emigrate over the limit. It is estimated that only in Europe is already working and studying more than 2 million Kurdish people from Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran.
The vast majority of Syrian Kurds (about 70%) is Sunni Muslim, about 20% of the Kurdish population adhere to Shia Islam, about 20 thousand Kurds, ie less than 1 percent belong to the sect of the Yezidis, close to Zoroastrianism. And it is a small part — is Christian.
For a long time, a common approach to the control of Syrian Kurds is to ignore their public rights and freedoms. It so happens that with the formation of the country's Syrian Kurds were initially more severe discriminatory measures in comparison with other state minorities. This is explained by the fact that, according to the views of the authorities in Damascus, the Kurds, in contrast, the Armenians, Turkmen, Circassians, non-indigenous population of the country in the long term could push the requirements of self-determination for the Western area (Syrian) Kurdistan right to secede from Syria.
Since coming to power in Damascus, Arab Baath Socialist Party (ABSP) or, as it is usually short call, the Baath took the course of forcibly assimilate the Kurds living in the SAR. They found the right not to self-reflection or in the constitution or in other legislation. It was natural for the Baathists as the safe and pretty at first glance the title of their party, hiding the nationalist ideology of pan-Arabism. The main motto of the Baath were: "The Arab civilization is one whose mission it is immortal, it will belong to the whole world." Naturally, neither the Kurds nor the other national minorities in the Arab Baathist ideology with no place was given.
First 60s of state security officer who served in Al-Hassaka, Talab Gilal, drafted with the advice against "the Kurdish people." Virtually, all the forthcoming policy Baathist regime right up to the present day is an implementation of the plan, according to which the expected, namely the Kurds to resettle inland to a distance of 10 km. from the Turkish and Iraqi borders and make it "Arab belt" at the expense of Arab immigrants to isolate the Syrian Kurds from contacts with compatriots in Turkey and Iraq, and also to change the demographic situation in the Kurdish regions of compact; discriminate in socio-economic terms, the Kurdish areas, not develop the infrastructure, not to create in their new production, higher and secondary special educational institutions, so that local residents were leaving them in search of work and places of study in other regions and countries, to work on the strip intelligence to split the Kurdish society and Kurdish parties, in their ability to deny citizenship Kurdish population in these areas, announcing its settlers from Turkey, the Kurds do not take into military schools, the municipal agencies to ban the conversation in municipal offices, public places and schools in Kurdish; prohibit registered kids under Kurdish names; rename Kurdish villages and town in Arabic.
In 1961, the Baathist regime passed a law on the development of so called "Arab" or "green" zone security in areas of common Kurdish settlement (joint Syrian-Iraqi-Turkish border). In practice, this zone is headed for a length of 350 km and a width of 15-30 km, and has become sort of a buffer between Syrian Kurds and the Kurds in Turkey and Iraq. In accordance with the above law in place forcibly deported Kurds from these areas were settled by Arabs. So Makar, many Kurdish villages out of the ordinary Syrian Kurdistan and to areas of Aleppo, Afrin, Aazaz, Menbidzh, Latakia and Rakka. In addition, the Kurds were scattered along the northern border with Syria. For example, the town of Aazaz and Afrin (43 and 58 km north of Aleppo, respectively) are about 90% of the population of Kurds, the other inhabitants — Turkmen and Arabs.
The Syrian authorities have not consciously decided measures for socio-economic development of the Kurdish populated areas: there were not built industrial facilities were not enough schools, hospitals, retail outlets, many Kurdish areas were not provided with electricity and water supply. Local authorities, with rassredotachivanii land allocated Kurds worst areas were doing artifi
cial difficulties in obtaining credit and loans, the required agricultural machinery and tools, understated the prices paid for their products. Because the majority of Kurds represents the poor and disenfranchised groups of the Syrian population.
As we mentioned above, the Kurds in Syria were limited to the development of national culture, the arts, language, literature, etc. The country has been banned schools to teach kids the Kurdish language, the media and even public communication in Kurdish. The Kurds were not allowed on the company of all cultural, educational, sports clubs and organizations. Kurdish youth exposed to blatant discrimination in admission to the Universities of Syria, with all this limited ability to choose their future profession, they are not perceived in military schools and municipal service. And for those of them who managed to enter one of the Syrian institutions, was constantly threatened with expulsion.
Do not stay in front of the Syrian authorities and the mass killings of Kurds and other acts of intimidation. For example, in 1993 in the town of Al-Hasaka killed 62 Kurdish political prisoners, and in March 2004 in the town of Qamishli lost their lives for more than 70 peaceful Kurdish people and thousands of others have been arrested. In the Syrian bullpen without trial contained 10 of thousands of Kurds, often simply invented charges. Families of prisoners for years did not know anything about their fates and locations. Appeals and complaints about the authorities were not accepted or considered.
The situation was aggravated by the Kurdish population besides the fact that he did not pay tribute to the attention of the national public organizations. Done, for example, in 1972, the Syrian National Progressive Front did not include the Kurdish movement. Representatives of the Syrian Communist Party (X. Baghdash wing and wing Yu Faisal) only occasionally voiced declarative slogans in defense of the rights of Syrian Kurds and their equality of rights with other nationalities inhabiting the country.
In recent years, the government of Bashar al-Assad showed some changes in the approach of the Syrian authorities to the Kurdish dilemma, despite the fact that, in general, their attitude to the Kurds continued to be discriminatory. Thus, the Kurds were granted the right to work in certain municipal facilities, but practically they were not allowed to, or how many important positions. For a long time in local government and the National Assembly (Parliament), Syria was not the 1st Kurd.
Because of multiculturalism Kurdish community, dispersal areas where they live in the country and the lack of a sufficient number of its intellectuals Kurdish political organizations were disorganized and fragmented. In Syria, the beginning of the 21st century, there were eleven different Kurdish organizations operating illegally. The larger of their own members by number and impact — the Kurdistan Democratic Party (Al-Party) — wing Nazir Mustafa, the Kurdish Democratic Progressive Party (right) — a wing Haj Hamid Darwish, the party of the Union of Kurdish people (Secretary-General of Salah Ed-Din Badr Dibo ) and the Kurdish Left Party. Many of the Kurdish parties were tightly interwoven with similar parties in Turkey and Iraq.
The peculiarity of the Kurdish parties in Syria was an ongoing process of creation of new parties split available, combining parties, including blocks and fronts, the output of individual batches of these associations. For example, the merger of the party came out of the Union of the Kurdish people and the Kurdish Left Party in Syria. New Batch got the title of the Kurdish party in Syria "Azadi" (freedom).
Overall, political programs from virtually all parties not much different from one another — it is a struggle for equality and fair national rights and freedoms of Kurds in the Syrian society, confirmed the constitution of ATS. In view of the real situation of the Kurds in Syria and their abilities Kurdish political leaders did not push the direct need to produce some form of Kurdish autonomy. During the period of dominance in the country Baathist (panarabistskoy) ideology and Assad family rule Syrian Kurds have sought only to survive and preserve their national identity.
The fragmentation of the Kurdish parties, ideological differences, the fight for the lead between them and inside the control of the parties themselves artificially warmed and used by the Syrian authorities and security services in their own interests.
With all of this support was provided vneglasnaya more liberal of the Kurdish movement and defiantly limited activity more meaningful. Syrian security forces contributed to not only split the Kurdish ranks, and the incitement of enmity between individual Kurdish parties and movements. Specifically, fragmentation and heterogeneity of the Kurdish political movement allowed the Syrian authorities to prevent acts of speech and protest on the part of the oppressed Kurds and, in general, successfully neutralizing the possible bad effects of the Kurdish factor in the political situation in the country.
These criteria favorites Kurdish parties are increasingly had to turn to the merits of the dilemma of the unity of the Kurdish movement, combining their ranks. They still managed to make the two main Kurdish political association: Kurdish Democratic Front and the Kurdish Democratic Alliance. The Kurdish Democratic Left Party yakata (wing Abdel Baqi Youssef) was not included in any of these associations, although in practice it has worked quite closely with the Kurdish Democratic Front in Syria.
Kurdish unrest arising March 12, 2004 in the town of Qamishli (Al-Hasakah Governorate) and covered almost all the places of compact residence, including Ras al-Ain, Ain Al-Arab, Afrin, were more significant event in the relations between the authorities and the Syrian Kurds . Kurds and police clashes have taken place in the towns of Aleppo and Homs. According to the Kurdish Democratic Union in Syria during clashes with the army, the police, security forces, armed Arab population of these areas have killed more than 300 Kurds and Arabs about weave. In general, the Kurdish national movement in Syria at the step was aggressively suppressed by Syrian security forces, including army units.
Soon favorites Syrian Kurdish progressive parties and organizations avoided open confrontation with the Syrian authorities and more than realistic approach to the issue of choice of the forms of struggle in the solution of the Kurdish prepyadstviya in Syria, focusing primarily on the achievement of the unity of the Kurdish movement, and believing that in the end it will force the Syrian government to reconsider its tough stance against Kurds living in the country in terms of expanding their political and social rights and freedoms.
Of great importance for the national liberation movement of Syrian Kurds had Baathist overthrow of the dictatorial regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and adjacent to gain their fellow Iraqi Kurds as a full subject of the federation in a new democratic Iraq. During this period, markedly activated communications and contacts between the Syrian and Iraqi Kurds.
Yet, until the end of 2011, the ruling regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria was able to maintain strict enough control over the areas of compact residence of Kurds. The main instruments of pacification of the Kurds in Syria remained the army, police and intelligence services. Coupled with the fact, as soon as the Syrian authorities are increasingly began to assert their own readiness to discern the difficulties Kurdish minority, but in reality, nothing further binding Damascus declarative statements and vague promises, nothing.
The problem became more acute issue of Syrian citizenship to almost 300 thousand Kurds living in Syria, but as stateless and deprived in this regard, all the political and social rights. The history of this mishap was. In October 1962, Syria has been carried out
so called "emergency census," and the inhabitants of the Kurdish areas, not filing a tax receipt to prove the antiquity of their stay in Syria, automatically lost their citizenship. Because many Kurds did not keep such receipts in decades, the result of this action have been deprived of citizenship 130 thousand people from 500 thousand Syrian Kurds. These people and their descendants to the nearest time instead of passports had only a view of zhitelstvo.K the same Act, 1962 Census of Syria only applied to the Kurdish population in the governorate of Al-Hasakah (district Jazeera), many Kurds are generally left out of the census.
The situation with the solution to the Kurdish question in Syria began to get a very different character from the middle of 2011, when the "Arab Spring" of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen has reached Syria in Damascus on the ruling regime of Bashar al-Assad hangs a real threat to his overthrow of the armed opposition.
It has been two years in the country is fierce war civilian clothes. Government forces do not stop at the use of aviation, artillery, armored vehicles. The rebels, in turn, produce a large-scale terrorist attacks, are fighting in densely populated areas and on city streets. On the side of the opposition are fighting defectors from the Syrian army, volunteers and mercenaries from a number of Arab and Muslim states. As a result, about 60 thousand Syrians were killed and hundreds of thousands injured, over half a million people have fled into the adjoining country, town and villages lie in ruins, destroyed infrastructure and communications, the population was on the verge of a humanitarian disaster.
What are the prerequisites of this disaster? Who and what is the war in Syria? It would seem that the answer is obvious: on the one hand — the supporters of the regime led by Bashar al-Assad, on the other — disparate armed opposition groups supported from abroad. Forces were about equal, no one is willing to give in, the preconditions for peace negotiations the parties have, the escalation of the armed conflict built up already marked artillery duels between Syria and Turkey. The Turkish parliament gave "good" for carrying out cross-border military operations on the Turkish-Syrian border. The Turkish military said that due to the sharp deterioration of the situation on the border with Syria to the Mediterranean "deployed warships and submarines," a matter of urgency in the border areas of Turkey with Syria deployed air and missile defense system of NATO, including the most advanced anti-aircraft missiles "Patriot".
As it turns out, the outside prosperous Syrian regime has long been rotten from the inside, senile and was a political zero. The country's ruling Ba'athist peak, supported by the religious minority Alawite Arabs (about 10% of the population) and the security agencies for a long time usurped power in Syria. More than 50 years of operating in the country under martial law, with all the limitations it to the public. All those who did not share the views of the ruling Baath Party and the Nationalist Party did not agree with the internal and external policies of the country were subjected to harassment and violent repression. The introduction of the armed forces to put down their own people is not something extraordinary in the modern history of the Syrian country. In 1982, the government also ruthlessly suppressed the Islamist "Muslim Brotherhood" in Nahal when government forces killed 10's of thousands of people. As previously mentioned, the Baathists and had stayed before using military force to pacify the Kurds thousand of them without charge or trial were thrown in jail.
The components of the majority of the population are Sunni Arabs were for many years excluded from power and could not realize its own potential in business and other fields. More than 2.5 million Syrian Kurds were considered "second class citizens", they were punished, forcibly resettled tried to assimilate.
The regime was like "rubber stamp" who ruled in Baghdad with the Baathist dictatorship of Saddam Hussein, but in a somewhat milder form outside. At the top of Ba'athist Iraq and the Arab-Sunni Arab minority suppressed the Shia majority and the Kurds. Saddam Hussein, as you know, do not even stop the use of chemical weapons against the Kurds, mass executions and killings of dissidents there have become the norm. Unleashed a bloody eight-year war with Iran, the military made anger against the adjoining Kuwait.
Damascus during the Baathist dictatorship've only tried unsuccessfully to take part in the Arab-Israeli wars, and for a couple of years occupied the adjacent Lebanon. Syrian authorities, although they are in the proper disposal of chemical weapon, but still did not dare to use it. If at first (in the post-colonial period), the slogans of pan-Arabism and the dictatorship of the Baath Party were able for a time to unite the Syrian civilization, to promote the construction of a new independent state, laying the base state of the economy, solve part of the socio-economic problems, the current regime has exhausted its criteria ability and became like a brake on the upcoming progressive development of the country.
In this regard, it is a tragic figure, and is in fact the case, political hostage situation began, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. As you know, this ophthalmologist by training and experience was as president of the country at the age of 34 years in almost all cases. For a couple of years before the death of his father Hafez al-Assad family (he was president in 1971-2000.) Died in a car crash of his eldest son Bassel, which already at that time was a famous military leader and municipal and rightly listed as a possible successor to the post of H.Asada President of ATS.
Assad inherited a sluggish economy, the corrupt government, poor standard of living most of the population is not justified itself nationalist ideology and political system is unbalanced. Country rendered increasingly international isolation was even included in the U.S. State Department list of state sponsors of international terrorism. External debt is estimated to professionals already in that period reached 18-19 billion U.S. dollars.
Assad managed by inertia than 10 years to remain in power, but was unable to use this period to conduct long been overdue political and socio-economic reforms. The Syrian people did not wait for the abolition of emergency, the separation of branches of power, a genuine multi-party system, the creation of democratic institutions, build a civilian society, equality of all people on ethnic and religious grounds. The dominance of the power and power structures Syrian Arab minority Alawite community and home-Assad clan provoked the Arab-Sunni majority and the Kurds in the public protests and mass demonstrations.
With the rapid population growth and the emergence of a significant number of educated youth protests in Syrian society grew. The "Arab Spring" in 2011 and gave rise to most of the Syrians hope of rapid changes and brought hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets. Merciless execution of demonstrators, the use of guns languid by government forces only exacerbated the situation in the country and provoked the subsequent escalation of the armed conflict. By destabilizing the internal situation in the country and external factors were added.
When Bashar Assad markedly increased Iranian influence in Syria and in the adjacent Lebanon. Syria seems to be reincarnated into a base for Iran in the region. Across the Syrian countryside exchanging goods military mission Lebanese Islamist group "Hezbollah", and some of them fell into the Gaza Strip — a wing "of Hamas." Frame to assist in the fight against al-Assad opposition fighters in Damascus were targeted group of special forces of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) of Iran, the Syrian authorities in T
ehran was given significant financial, real and military aid.
According to the views of the Governing monarchies of the Persian Gulf and other Arab countries, where those in power are Sunni Arabs, there was a real threat of proliferation in the region, the militant Shiite Islamic education in the Middle East, so called, Shiite or Shiite crescent arc. Around that time, there were a mess in the middle of the Shiite community in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, which have been aggressively suppressed by the authorities.
Headed the external opposition to Damascus, did not hide his own earlier antipathy to the regime of Bashar al-Assad royal family Saudis, and the Emir of Qatar. They were supported by most of the Arab states, Lebanon Hariri clan and Turkey. U.S. and EU countries have also assisted the Syrian exile, strengthened the restrictive regime of sanctions, political, diplomatic, financial, economic, information and propaganda pressure on Damascus.
So Makar, the Syrian opposition got outside virtually unlimited financial, real and military aid and a strong base in the adjoining states. Across the borders of Turkey, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, in Syria are thrown volunteers, mercenaries from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Morocco, Libya and some other countries, deserters from the Syrian army and accelerated past military training Syrian refugees.
In the ranks of the enemies of the regime and the rebels are fighting extremist Islamist groups, such as the "Muslim Brotherhood", "Tawhid", make up the backbone of the forces of the Free Syrian Army, "Ansar al-Islam," "dzhagbu en-Nusra" and many others, right up to the cells "Al-Qaeda" and "the Taliban." It appears that the sponsors "Syrian Revolution" did not shrink from nothing in his own quest as soon as possible to overthrow the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Of course, they put their trust after winning evenly rid of more odious "fellow travelers" and lead to power in Damascus own protege. Still very much a ghost seems such a victory, and in Istanbul, Paris, Washington, Riyadh, Beirut, Doha, in a number of other capitals are conducted secret negotiations with representatives of the Syrian opposition to the creation of the future Syrian government. Washington and Paris did not hide the fact that they would prefer to build the latest Syrian authorities represented prozapadnonastroennoy Syrian exile, as is already the case in Iraq and Afghanistan. Ankara relies on senior Syrian defectors who were in Turkey. There is a severe reason to believe that the calculations behind the scenes "puppeteers" and lovers of their own plantations standards of democracy in Syria can not be justified. As practice shows, the change of regimes in the Arab world ends with the coming to power of Islamist groups. Modern Islam is a politicized and converted into a nice for the people of the Near and Middle Eastern ideology. Fully really is in Syria led to behold the future of the country representatives of the "Muslim Brotherhood", or other Salafi Islamists. While the Syrian opposition looks very disparate and contradictory, it does not have a management and a national favorite. With regard to the likely role of Bashar al-Assad or his followers in the upcoming political life of Syria, here the most pessimistic forecasts. After a bloody and protracted war, civilian introduction in her languid guns Assad is unlikely to be able to at least in some form embedded in a future Syrian government. In the best case, he will emigrate as Tunisian president Ali, but there is a severe fear that he will share the fate of Hosni Mubarak or Muammar Gaddafi. Syrian president's entourage will be the last to cling to it, knowing that they have nowhere to flee, and the presence of the President gives a semblance of legitimacy of power conservation. After all, the top of the Baathists, Alawites and power structures loses not only the power, wealth and resources, and by a real threat to their lives. It is unlikely that the functionaries of the regime even amnesty by the new government will ever again get a municipal or military service. Most likely, they can expect the fate of Iraqi Baathists and Saddam Hussein al-Tikriti clan, who were thrown to the dustbin of history. More odious figures were executed, while others were sentenced to long prison terms, some had found refuge in Syria the same or hiding in the Sunni-controlled areas of Iraq.
No matter how much agony lasted Assad regime, it is possible with a sufficient degree of conviction read about his political bankruptcy. Time is on the opposition and defeat it in a large-scale guerrilla war does not seem likely. Though the majority of the population was not with Assad. Even the army partly defected to the opposition, particularly the military, defectors formed the backbone of the SSA, some civil servants, soldiers and police officers, including very high, deserted and hides in the refugee camps in adjacent countries.
Bashar al-Assad continues to vigorously support only a few army units, staffed by Arabs, Alawites, police and intelligence services. Syrian government media messages about successful air strikes and sweeps army units individual cities and regions of the armed opposition fighters do not change the overall picture of Syrian disaster. The situation exacerbated by the fact that in these large-scale military operations killed civilians: ladies, old men, kids.
Opposition groups are not yet able to withstand the equal standing army, special forces troops, usually under the massive strikes of militants scattered back out from time to time and in the adjacent country, regroup, re-supplemented people, gun and ammunition, and again enter the battle. As previously mentioned, one of the key reasons for the military success of the opposition is its broad support from abroad. Assad actually turned into international isolation, blockade, and can only rely on the help of Iran, but this country, as we know, has no common border with Syria. Widely known facts and landings of aircraft inspections of Iran (in Baghdad), the Russian Federation and Armenia (in Turkey) on the subject are likely to remain at their military cargo destination.
Unfortunately, the international community in the face of such notable international organizations like the United Nations, the League of Arab States (LAS) and the other was not able to stop this massive fratricidal slaughter in Syria.
Moreover, the Arab League actually supported the Syrian opposition. Here again, and some fundamentally divergent assessments Assad regime in Washington, Brussels, Paris, Moscow, Beijing, Ankara and Tehran. Legacy of the "Cold War" and the distrust between the majestic powers in matters of international security is maintained.
Of course, it is time for the international community to find new, more effective methods of prevention and termination of similar conflicts. It is still very uncertain, but were proposals of interested countries and international organizations to provide humanitarian assistance to Syria and see the possibility of a large-scale peacekeeping operation.
With the escalation of the conflict in Syria, which has already claimed 10 of thousands of lives, caused massive destruction and chaos in the streets of Syrian cities, are increasingly raises the question of the relation to it of Syrian Kurds. There are forces inside Syria and abroad, who would like to draw the Kurds in the fight against government forces and thus Makar, play the "Kurdish card" in their own interests. They believe that the performance of the Kurds in the opposition could upset the existing balance in the present day political and military forces in the country and hasten the fall of al-Assad's regime.
Made every effort to expedite action in Syria Washington and for all that does not hide that the change of regime in Damascus will allow the U.S. significantly weaken the positio
n of Tehran in the region and Iran lead to greater international isolation. In addition to the U.S. to intensify its intrigued by the Kurdish factor in Syria show sponsor countries Opposition (Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, etc.). Turkey with all this does not rule out its own direct role in the fighting in the Syrian countryside under the pretext of pursuing militants Turkish Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Already at this point the border areas of Turkey with Syria turned into a springboard Syrian opposition and the arena fighting the Turkish security forces against Kurdish rebels. Believe in Ankara, the activation of the PKK guerrilla actions in the Turkish countryside is not without the help and support of the Syrian authorities. In return, the Turkish administration is interested in the speech of Syrian Kurds in the opposition.
But, in spite of the fact that the Kurds in Syria has long been subjected to discrimination on ethnic grounds, and harassment by security forces ruling regime, the Kurdish favorites continue to adhere to the policy of neutrality in vnutriarabskom Syrian conflict. They give to understand that "it is not their war …" and expressed willingness to cooperate with any government even in Damascus, which will be able to ensure their legitimate rights and freedoms within the framework of the Syrian country. They harbor no illusions about the power-hungry country in the Arab Islamists who are not yet identified their own business to the Kurdish dilemma. Favorites of opposition Kurds offer to ally against the regime of Bashar al-Assad, and the question of the future status of the Kurdish areas want to negotiate only after the victory. The Kurds have a certain fear that their situation with the change of regime in Damascus radically improves. It should be noted that shortly after Bashar al-Assad has made a series of concessions and specific steps to appease the political demands of the Kurds. So, he formally "legalize" a few hundred thousand of Kurds, a long time living in the country without citizenship, was released from prison several hundred Kurdish political prisoners, most of the army units, police and security services have left the areas of compact residence of Kurds. The authorities were also handed out and a number of other promises, but in reality they can not be made in the criteria of continuing civilian war. Forcibly resettled by the authorities in the past years the Kurds are not yet able to return to its historical places of residence.
Of course the Arabs, settled in their homes and land, can not be organized to return to their homeland. There are still restrictions on the social and political activities of the Kurds, far not all political prisoners from among the Kurds were released. All these unresolved prepyadstviya political and socio-economic disposition and use external power and opposition to favorites in order to attract the Kurds more active struggle with the regime of Bashar al-Assad.
Kurds by avoiding open armed confrontation with Damascus, yet, in the criteria for weakening the central government, anarchy and the rise of the real danger the lives and property of the civilian population had to make their own National Assembly, the Supreme Kurdish advice, tips, and self-management committees and self-defense units in the field. In view of this, in the areas of compact residence of Kurds while keeping a measured relative to the situation, most of the work of educational and medical institutions, courts, etc. Will it continue to Syrian Kurds to maintain neutrality in its own civilian war in Syria or are still provoke the role in the armed struggle on the side of the 1st of the parties to the conflict?
Such a scenario should not be deleted, but it will be more feasible in the case of signs of imminent defeat of the regime of Bashar al-Assad or Kurds guarantees from the opposition to respect the legitimate rights of the Kurds in the future of the Syrian state. Syrian Kurds emphasize that at this stage they want to get the rights and freedoms enjoyed by Syrian Arabs, just having the opportunity of creation of Kurdish cultural autonomy.
While the opposition fails to capture the trust of the Kurds and initiate action against the government troops. Moreover, there was some armed clashes between militants, so called, the Free Syrian Army (FSA) and the Kurdish militia. So, at the end of October 2012, opposition fighters shelled Kurdish demonstrators protesting against rising bloodshed in the town of Aleppo. In the middle of protesters were killed and wounded, occurred after clashes with Kurdish armed opposition groups who attempted to force to gain control over the area Ashrafiya in the northern part of the town with mostly Kurdish population. The area is considered strategically principled, because located on a hill overlooking perfectly visible and sweep the adjacent neighborhoods. Earlier incident Ashrafiya remained aloof from the war — neither opposition fighters or government troops chose not to conflict with the Kurdish militias. But commanders PAS seems to have decided that the control of Ashraf for their important Kurdish neutrality. As a result of bloody clashes between opposition fighters and Kurds were killed, the very small, 30 Kurds, and about 200 were taken hostage. In fighting against the opposition fighters participated priemuschestvenno, Syrian Kurdish militias of the "Democratic Alliance", which, allegedly, tightly woven with the Turkish Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a leading armed struggle against the authorities of the adjacent Turkey.
It is no accident, in the middle of all states in the region specifically Ankara more intensively supports the Syrian opposition, and in the near future, after a series of incidents at the border, Turkey launched a systematic shelling Syrian border areas. As you know, specifically in Turkey found a refuge number of high-Syrian politicians and the military, immediately deployed to refugee camps and bases of armed Syrian opposition. One of the charges that Ankara pushes the regime of Bashar al-Assad, it — support for "terrorists of the PKK" in Turkish Kurdistan. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is afraid that in the end civilian war in Syria, the Kurdish areas of the country will gain autonomy or federation subject — following the example of Iraq. Then, according to the views of the Turkish authorities, PKK militants will be able to use the Syrian countryside as a base for anti-Ankara. According to the Turkish newspaper "Hurriyet Daily News", the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has officially warned the president of Iraqi Kurdistan Massoud Barzani about the inadmissibility of the creation of the autonomous Kurdish region in Syria. Believe in Ankara, to prevent such a development could frisky seizure of power in Damascus, the Syrian opposition oriented toward Turkey. But this scenario looks all the least possible — the war is becoming increasingly bloody and protracted nature. If the conflict between local armed opposition and Syrian Kurds will spread from Aleppo to other parts of the country, it will significantly weaken Assad regime enemies, because they would have to disperse its forces. In addition, the Kurds are by nature quite good warriors, many of them have military capabilities and combat experience, a necessary small gun, ammunition, and can successfully defend their homes and villages from all intrusions from the outside, whether it be government forces or the opposition fighters. It is unlikely in the case of an open attack on the Syrian Kurds remain in the side of their countrymen in Turkey and Iraq, military aid from there, of course, will be forthcoming. As for the upcoming escalation of the armed conflict with the Kurdish opposition Syrian troops and foreign mercenaries, that such a scenario should not be deleted, but it will be more feasible in the case of new armed opposition attempts to invade the Kurdish areas.
As an example of such provocation can cause an outb
reak of violence in the border with Turkey, the Syrian town of Ras al-Ain, inhabited mostly by Kurds. About a thousand militants in vehicles such as "Jeep", armed with assault rifles and machine guns mnogokalibernymi, NIGHT MODE violated the Turkish-Syrian border and tried to gain a foothold in the Syrian border areas, using violence against civilians and pillaging. Column militants blocked the government forces and Kurdish Unidas (militia). During a fierce battle gangs opposition had to move to Turkey in the middle of those killed were militants and captured the group "Al-Qaeda" in Yemen and other Arab states.
It is seen that when the total bandwidth of the Kurdish factions to maintain neutrality in civilian war in Syria, some Kurdish favorites shall be removed and not from contact with the opposition. "The Kurds of Syria do not seek to divide the country," — said in an interview with radio station "Voice of the Russian Federation," Deputy Chairman of the State Council of the Kurds of Syria (NSCB) Khaled Jamil Mohammed. Contrary to previous statements about the position of the Kurdish parties and organizations of Syria with vnutrisiriyskogo ongoing conflict, he said that the Tipo "Syrian Kurds from the beginning sided with the opposition, and has long advocated the urgent broad reforms in the country." For this reason, when in Qatar under the auspices of the United States was formed, so called, National Coalition of the Syrian opposition (JISC), the NSCB also sent a delegation to take part in a conference in Doha (it was the only organization of Syrian Kurds who went to Qatar's own Representatives). But Khaled Jamil Muhammad denied reports that the NACC was a part of the pro-American JISC: "Qatar has not taken a decision on its inclusion in the National Coalition. Disagreements concerned as the latest format of the coalition, and the role of its Kurdish movement, and naturally , the future status of the Kurds in Syria. "
These issues have not yet found a final decision of its own, but the negotiations last, deputy testified NSCB. Yet, the management of the State Coalition sent a letter to the NSCB an invitation to participate in the conference of "Friends of Syria" in Morocco (Marrakech), with the previously agreed to appoint a representative of the Kurdish one of the 3 deputy heads again made the coalition. Frame and other issues related to the future status of the Kurds in Syria, will open a discussion in the following conferences. For the role of the conference in Marrakech NSCB sent a delegation of 9 people. With all of this Khaled Jamil Mohammed could not fail to recognize that the main disagreement between the Kurds and the Syrian opposition NSCB — a refusal to recognize the national rights of the Kurds: "Here they are no different from the Baathists. Kurds in Syria are fighting for their rights for decades. We do not seek dismember Syria, and we wish to solve the Kurdish problem of within a united country. We are ready to discuss this with all the opposition groups and to convey to them our aspirations. To do this it is necessary that the Kurds are classified as public opposition coalition. Certainly, we are of their rights under no any circumstances, give. We did not subject Baath regime, and I will not submit to anyone else. rights of the Kurdish people is our top priority. "
Favorites of Syrian Kurds give to understand that if they will not be heard by the opposition, they will have to put all their self-defense units and make a unified Kurdish army. Moreover, the Kurds do not hide the fact that they rely on extensive assistance and support from their own Iraqi and Turkish brothers.
Frame, at the end of 2012, the Syrian Kurds who installed this year in the middle of control over some areas in the north of Syria, has already begun to establish independent army, reports Internet portal "Elaphite" referring to the head of the State Council of Kurdistan (NCC) shirk Abbas. "The main challenge posed by our army is to protect the Kurdish areas of Syria, at least some of the military intervention, whether Bashar al-Assad's forces, groups of opposition Free Syrian Army fighters or Islamist groups constructive", — said S. Abbas.
According to this favorite of Syrian Kurds, the United States and Western European countries have agreed to provide military and financial aid in the development of independent Kurdish army, which, in their opinion, may be a barrier to the spread of Islam constructive Syria. "The personnel of the Kurdish army will be formed from both the Kurds and Arabs of (Muslims and Christians) living in Syrian Kurdistan" — said Abbas shirk. In other words, it is about the development of the territorial militia, not under the control of Damascus. As previously mentioned, the Syrian government forces have voluntarily left the Kurdish areas in the north-east of the country, except for 2-Hasseke big cities and Qamishli. All other settlements in the region almost ran over control of the Kurds.
His views on living in Germany Kurdish scholar Youssef Aslan, at the present time the concept of "self-determination" Syrian Kurds limited number of common enough moderate requirements that are not focused on the creation of an independent country, and are reduced to the next:
— constitutional recognition of the Kurdish people as second-largest state in the country of minorities;
— stop at least some discrimination on ethnic grounds Kurds and forced Arabization;
— restoration of citizenship rights of all Syrian Kurds;
— recognition of the state, political, social and cultural rights and freedoms of the Kurds;
— introduction of education and the media in the Kurdish language;
— accelerated socio-economic development in the Kurdish areas.
With all this Kurds clearly understand that the solution to their problems can not be separated from the state needs a total democratization of Syria after the civilian war.
Analyzing the expression of representatives of different Syrian Kurdish groups and the scientific community over the Kurdish dilemma in Syria, it can be concluded that, at this stage for the main Syrian Kurds is — get equal rights to Arabs and freedom in the future of the Syrian state, while maintaining their own national identity (language, culture, characters, customs, etc.). The elaboration of the Syrian Kurdistan as an independent country or a federal subject in the future of Syria is not worth it. Moreover, taking into account the dispersion of the Kurdish enclaves in significant areas of the country and the presence of the Arab population between them, it would be very difficult even creation of a Kurdish autonomous region in present-day Syria. This situation of Syrian Kurds is very different from the situation in Iraqi Kurdistan where Kurds live in the countryside is quite compact 3 northern provinces of Iraq and make up half the population in some surrounding areas (Taam province with the capital city of Kirkuk, other so-called, disputed areas ). The future of Syrian Kurds will almost all depend on the final civilian war in Syria and the future business of the authorities in Damascus to resolve the Kurdish difficulties in the new Syrian country.