Polish Jew by the U.S. Government: The basic package of promotional larvae on the history of the USSR


Richard Pipes — Not just the famous and prominent American historian, political scientist and expert on the history of Russia and the USSR.

Pipes was born in 1923 in the Polish town of Cieszyn in a Jewish family. In October 1939, his family fled okkupirovanoy Germans in Poland and across Italy arrived in the United States. In 1946, he enrolled in Cornell University, and then continued his education at Harvard University. After defending his doctoral thesis in 1950 began working at Harvard University, 1963-1996 — Professor, since 1996 — professor emeritus. In 1968-1973 was the director of the Research Center for Russian Studies at Harvard University in 1973-1978 — the chief scientific adviser of the Institute for the study of Russian at Stanford University.

In 1976 he was a member of the so-called B team (Team B), collected from a civilian experts and retired military then-CIA Director George Bush to assess threats from the Soviet Union in opposition to Team A, composed of CIA analysts. In 1981-1982 was a member of the National Security Council, worked on U.S. foreign policy under the Reagan doctrine. A member of the American Committee for Peace in Chechnya, designed, according to the its members, to promote the settlement of the Chechen conflict and pr.pr.pr.

Communism. Stalin and beyond.


Richard Pipes — Not just the famous and prominent American historian, political scientist and expert on the history of Russia and the USSR.

Pipes was born in 1923 in the Polish town of Cieszyn in a Jewish family. In October 1939, his family fled okkupirovanoy Germans in Poland and across Italy arrived in the United States. In 1946, he enrolled in Cornell University, and then continued his education at Harvard University. After defending his doctoral thesis in 1950 began working at Harvard University, 1963-1996 — Professor, since 1996 — professor emeritus. In 1968-1973 was the director of the Research Center for Russian Studies at Harvard University in 1973-1978 — the chief scientific adviser of the Institute for the study of Russian at Stanford University.

In 1976 he was a member of the so-called B team (Team B), collected from a civilian experts and retired military then-CIA Director George Bush to assess threats from the Soviet Union in opposition to Team A, composed of CIA analysts. In 1981-1982 was a member of the National Security Council, worked on U.S. foreign policy under the Reagan doctrine. A member of the American Committee for Peace in Chechnya, designed, according to the its members, to promote the settlement of the Chechen conflict and pr.pr.pr.

Communism. Stalin and beyond.


Curtailment of the NEP began in December 1925 when the Congress Party adopted an ambitious program of forced industrialization. A industrialization, for reasons which will be discussed below, meant the collectivization of agriculture. Since both targets were associated with extreme difficulties, dissent must be silenced. So Stalinism took on the quality and integrity could be maintained only at a time when kept intact all of its component parts.

Start with industrialization: the Marxist-Leninist axiom that a socialist society should be based on the industrial base, as well as the Russian industry was in a pretty sorry state, to lay this base had literally from scratch. When these efforts will bear fruit, the Soviet Union will, they say, the economy of the world and an impressive level of the working class, so that the country could equally confront their capitalist enemies. This is not in question, although the question of the pace of industrialization caused a controversy in the party leadership, until Stalin forced his opponents to shut up, imposing a dizzying pace and disregard of human life.

But there was another reason forced industrialization, which is almost never mentioned at the time, and even then rarely — a preparation for the next world war. In December 1927, Stalin declared that the "imperialists" arming themselves in preparation for a new war and intervention against the Soviet Union. To meet this (imaginary) threat, the Soviet Union needed a strong defense industry. And, indeed, the entire Soviet industry from the very beginning was constructed in accordance with military needs.According to military needs.

The first five-year plan, approved in 1929, and are subject to all of the national economy management of the center, put at the center of the means of production — iron and steel, coal and oil, heavy machinery. Central planning agency has put a completely unrealistic production targets and their achievement is even less possible after having given in 1931 by the order of Stalin's five-year run in three years. By 1932, key performance indicators, which were to be tripled, actually doubled. The same thing happened with the number of workers in the industry: it increased from 3 to 6.4 million.

Promises that "construction of socialism" will significantly raise the standard of living, the government managed to rekindle the enthusiasm of labor. But that was the carrot, ever fall out of the hands of those whom it was intended. In fact, the standard of living has been steadily falling, because the financing of industrialization required information to the minimum wage. In 1933, the real earnings of workers dropped to one-tenth of what he had received the day before turning to industrialization (1926-27). According to Alec Nova, a specialist on the Soviet economy, "for 1933 came the lowest point of the steepest of all the known history of the world declines in living standards in peacetime."

To spur productivity, Stalin resorted to the traditional methods of capitalist incentives. In 1931, he attacked the ultra-left, as he said, the principle of "egalitarianism" requires equal pay for workers regardless of their skill and labor input. This meant, he explained that the laborer has no incentive to acquire skills, and skilled — moves from place to place until he finds where his talents are well-paid, and that, and another negative impact on performance. Therefore, a new salary scale provided a significant difference in pay the least and most skilled workers.

Capital for the development of the industry comes from several sources, including a printing press, from the proceeds of the turnover tax on exports of food and even the sale of works of art.

However, in general it squeezed out of the peasantry, virtually enslaved again after seven decades after their release. Firm decision to hold a "mass collectivization" was made in mid-1929. According to Stalin's industrialization had to be implemented at the expense of domestic savings. This meant that the peasants were at the lowest prices to deliver food industry workers, cities, and the armed forces. But in the accompanying collectivization propaganda focused on the elimination of rural "exploiters" to divert attention from the fact that the most numerous victims of collectivization are simple peasants.

Collectivization included two of the process. The first was in the "liquidation of the kulaks as a class", in other words, how people live, the second — in the destruction of peasant communities, and what else the independence of the peasantry. Peasants were driven into collective farms, collective farms, where they were working not for themselves but for the state. It was an unprecedented revolution from above, associated with bringing down three quarters of the population of the country to the status of public servants.

We fists — This term refers to wealthy farmers, and those who actively resisted collectivization — taken all their possessions, and they themselves or deported to labor camps, or with their families, to Siberia. According to official data, in 1930 and 1931 one or other of these two forms of punishment has been subjected to 1,803,392 people. It is estimated that 30 percent of those who escaped the massacre, died of hunger and cold. Of the estimated 400,000 survivors managed to escape and eventually somehow settle in cities and industrial centers.

"Average" and "poor" also lost everything they had, including farm implements and cattle — or what was left of the latter, as the cattle preferred to cut, rather than surrender, that all the property is transferred to collective farms. The collectivized peasants were required to work a fixed number of days per year for a minimum cash payment and grain, while carrying out tasks set by the public procurement, the state paid a penny, and sold the flour or bread for rubles, drawing hundreds of percent profit. The peasants who failed to fulfill their tasks are starving. And to those who stole the food out of desperation, have been reported as dangerous criminals: the famous decree in August 1932 was punishable by death or ten years of forced labor for "any theft or damage to the socialist [read: the party's] property," by which he meant, of among other things, a few ears of corn. Under this law, for the next sixteen months, has been convicted 125,000 farmers, of whom 5,400 were sentenced to death. As the only product that farmers received the farm was corn, in 1935 the government allowed the collective farmers to process personal gardens on the average size of one acre per family, where they can grow vegetables and fruit for their own consumption and for salestate-controlled collective farm markets. They are also allowed to keep cows and sheep (but not horses). These private plots provided a significant disproportionate to their area, a part of the agricultural production in the country.

As a result of the collectivization of the peasantry degraded to a much greater extent than because of serfdom that existed before 1861, because, as serfs, peasants owned (practically, if not in theory) their crops and livestock. His new status has been reduced to the position of a slave, to receive a minimum of means to maintain its existence: in 1935, for the hard work of the peasant family farm has received from 247 rubles per year over year, as much as a pair of shoes cost.

Stalin liked to portray the situation as if collectivization was carried out voluntarily, in fact, the government has resorted to extreme violent methods. He told Churchill that collectivization, which lasted three years, was more "intense" than a second world war. If it was given to him seriously, one can only imagine how hard this campaign impact on its victims. In order to break the resistance of the peasants in the Ukraine, the North Caucasus and Kazakhstan, Stalin in 1932-33 artificially caused famine in those regions and seized from them all of the food and surrounding them with armyportions to give the starving peasants to migrate in search of food. It is estimated that this artificially induced disaster led to the deaths of 6.7 million people. In order to break the resistance of Kazakh nomads in Central Asia, the regime resorted to a particularly cruel actions, it is believed that about a third died of the Kazakh population.

The immediate goal of collectivization — financing a large part of the costs of industrialization — was reached; food actually taken, then distributing it in the cities and industrial centers. Ultimately, the consequences were disastrous collectivization: she destroyed Russian agriculture, first exposing the deportation of the most enterprising farmers, and then stripping the collective farmers of land and crops that they no longer belong. Russia, which before the revolution was one of the largest grain exporters in the world, in the future could barely feed themselves.

By the year 1934-35, when the cards have been canceled, and Stalin said that "life has become easier, comrades, life has become merrier", the worst was over. Not for long, though. The regime needed a new crisis to justify their despotic power. And he needed a new enemy. Over time, Fidel Castro, the leader of communist Cuba, frankly explain what his Russian teachers preferred to remain silent:explain what his Russian teachers preferred to remain silent, "needs an enemy of the Revolution … Revolution is required for the development of the antithesis — namely, the counter-revolution". And if there are no enemies, they must be invented.

In 1934, a prominent Bolshevik Sergei Kirov, Leningrad party boss, was killed under mysterious circumstances; circumstantial evidence points to Stalin as a customer of the murder. Solid Stalinist — shortly before the death of Stalin exalted as a "great strategist liberation of the working of our country and the world" — Kirov gained too much popularity in the party ranks, and it might not like Stalin. His murder brought Stalin double benefit: it got rid of a potential rival and got the excuse to unleash a major campaign against the so-called anti-Soviet conspiracy, entering which he was able to destroy the leading cadres, inherited from Lenin. The so-called cleansing of the thirties were a genuine orgy of terror, which has no equal in the history nor in its indiscriminate violence, nor in the number of victims. Stalin personally supervised the campaign, and in his instructions to the local authorities pressed on one course of action: to beat until the detainees are not recognized in the crimes they did not commit.

Which meant this provision in practice, we can learn from a letter sent to Molotov, Stalin's closest associate, one of the countless victims of terror by Vsevolod Meyerhold. A prominent Russian theater director and a member of the Communist Party since the early years of the regime, Meyerhold was no apparent reason declared an "enemy of the people" and was arrested in 1939. He wrote:

When investigators against me floated the physical methods (beat me here, sick 65-year old man laying on the floor face down, beaten with a rubber tourniquet on the feet and on his back, as he sat in his chair, the same rubber beaten on his legs from above, with great force. On the following days, when these places legs were covered with profuse internal bleeding, then this red-blue-green bruises beaten again this harness, and the pain was such that it seemed to sore, sensitive places feet cool poured boiling water, and I was screaming and crying in pain. They beat me on the back of the rubber hands beat me in the face with a sweep …), and they were joined by the so-called "psychic attack", both caused me such a terrible fear that my nature was exposed to the roots of their … Lying on the floor face down, I wriggled and squirmed and squealed like a dog that has its owner.

When I lay down on the bed and went to sleep, to go back in an hour for an interrogation that lasted for eighteen hours before it got up and moan that I was bouncing on the bed as is the case withpatients who die of a fever.

"Death (on of course!), The death of so easy!" — Told himself under investigation. I told myself it's me. So I resorted to the self-incrimination in the hope that they and lead me to the scaffold …

Once it is properly incriminated himself, authorities descended to the pleas of Meyerhold, and deprived of his life.

Great Terror struck as members of the party, and the non-partisan citizens. At its highest point in 1937 and 1938, at least half a million people, most of whom were guilty of any public offense even by communist standards are brought to the "troika" — the tribunals, composed of the first secretary of the regional party organization, the public prosecutor and the local head of security. After a quick trial, often lasting only a few minutes, the arrested were sentenced to death, prison or exile, without the right of appeal. Neither apolitical nor upright devotion regime does not guarantee security. At the height of the Great Terror of the Politburo distributed the "quotas" for security services, which indicates the percentage of the district, to be shot or sent to labor camps. For example, June 2, 1937 was a quota of 35 000 persons that were to be "repression" in Moscow and the Moscow region, of which 5,000 were ordered to shoot.

A month later, the Politburo has allocated quotas for all areas of the country's 70,000 ought to shoot without trial. A significant part of the victims of the Great Terror were people with higher education — it was believed that they were prone to "sabotage".

The degree to which clean the affected party elite, evidenced by the fact that out of 139 members and alternate members of the Central Committee elected at the XVII Party Congress in 1934, 70 percent were executed. All of Lenin's closest associates, including Zinoviev and Kamenev, who were arrested and tortured and broken physically and mentally, have been staged at the "processes" to admit the most incredible crimes — espionage, acts of terrorism, attempts restoration of "capitalism" after they were either shot or deported to the camps, where few people left alive. In his so-called Testament of Lenin called six Bolsheviks as their possible successors were killed, all but one — Stalin. Dmitry Volkogonov, the Soviet general who became a historian, was, in his words, was "deeply shocked" by finding in the archives of thirty lists, dated the same day, December 12, 1938. The list is 5,000 people, the death sentences that Stalin signed before the formal opening of the process, and then went to his own Kremlin movie theater, where they watched twothe film, including the comedy film "Jolly Fellows".

Anyway, most of the population was forced to participate in this destructive orgy, bringing on friends and acquaintances non-information about the "subversive" conversations amounted to a subversion. In this atmosphere of faith and truth is not perpetuated. Russian joke of the time very realistically defined honest Soviet citizen as a person behaving like a pig, but did not enjoy it.

Cleaning 1937-38 literally decimated the ranks of the "old Bolsheviks", which took the place of the new people. In 1939, 80.5 per cent of the functionaries of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union were the people that came into her after the death of Lenin. One of them took the high officials of the party and the government, the so-called nomenclature, not only monopolized all positions of power, but also to enjoy unprecedented privileges and developed in the new exploiting class. Belonging to it provided a solid social position and acquired de facto hereditary. When the Soviet Union collapsed, the range consisted of 750,000 people, and their families — about three million or 1.5 percent of the population, which roughly corresponds to the share of the service nobility with the kings in the eighteenth century. The benefits which they enjoyed,quite like the ones that had the lord of that old time. According to one of the members of this elite,Nomenclature … lives on another planet. How on Mars. It's not just good cars and apartments. This continuous satisfaction of your whims, when the army of sycophants allows you to work or just do not care. All small apparatchiks willing to do for you anything. Performed your every desire. You can always go to the theater, you can out of your hunting grounds to fly to Japan. It is a life in which everything comes easy … You are like a king: just add something to your finger, and it will, was done immediately.

The rank and file party members, "yes-men", the number of which has increased significantly under Stalin, turned to the serving staff elite.

Has not escaped the terror and the Red Army: three of the five marshals were "eliminated" from the fifteen generals of the army were killed thirteen of nine admirals only one survived. The victims of massacres were many foreign Communists, which the Soviet Union granted political asylum. Monstrous losses suffered clergy: in 1937-38 165,200 priests were arrested for performing their religious duties, 106,800 of them were shot. Almost all objects of worship were closed.

Terror machine spared and their drivers. Nikolai Yezhov, Stalin's Himmler, who led the massacres in the years 1936-38 as head of the NKVD, for some reason, fell out of favor with his master. Stalin removed him from office, arrested and thrown into a bloody meat grinder.

Ordinary people have been imprisoned and disappeared for accidentally saying or denounced by personal enemies. Pathological fear and suspicion have covered the entire population, were no exception and the higher functionaries. So, Nikolai Bulganin, who served in Stalin's deputy prime minister, told Nikita Khrushchev that sometimes the person is invited to Stalin as a friend, "but when he sits next to Stalin, he does not know where will be later — at home or in prison." Andrei Gromyko, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Stalin's right hand man, said that under Stalin, two or more members of the Politburo had never ridden in a car for fear that their suspect in the plot. Fear and suspicion survived Stalin, having become an integral part of the system. Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader, recalled that when he invited his mentor and neighbor, Yuri Andropov, then head of the KGB, lunch, Andropov had advised him for his own good to give up this idea — "to begin otherwise idle talk about who where, why and what to say. "

According to data from the secret archives opened after the collapse of the Soviet Union (which many experts consider too low), and in 1937 and 1938, when the Great Terror reached its peak, the security authorities detained for so-called "anti-Soviet activity" 1,548,366 people, of whom 681 692 were shot. On average, 1,000 executions a day. Most of the survivors were in the camps. (For comparison, the tsarist regime between 1825 and 1910 executed for political offenses 3,932 people.) In 1941, when Germany invaded the Soviet Union in the camps of the Gulag contained 2,350,000 people, or 1.4 percent of the population. Prisoners slaves performed important economic functions, they were used on large construction sites, they fell trees in the far North. None of those responsible for these crimes against any innocent people have been brought to court after the collapse of the USSR, they were not even exposed, not subjected to moral judgment and continued to live a normal life.

Census showed that between 1932 and 1939 — in other words, after collectivization, but before the Second World War — the population of the Soviet Union fell by 10.9 million people.

This destructive orgy defies rational explanation. Grim anecdote describes a new prisoner arrived at the camp. When asked how old he was, replied: "Twenty-five." —"For what?". — "No way." "It does not happen — they say it. — Never give ten years. "

If anyone would wonder how it's what else the government could cause such harm to their own people, it should be borne in mind that for the Communist revolutionaries, both in Russia and in other countries, human beings in the form of what they were born, were only a parody of it as they could and should become. This view is deeply rooted in Marxism. Marx wrote that

The current generation … like those Jews whom Moses led through the wilderness. It must not only conquer a new world, but off the stage to make room for the people ripe for a new world.

Although neither Marx nor Engels called on their followers to mass killings, they were willing to sacrifice for the sake of living for generations yet unborn.

And from their point of view it was really for the sake of that, because the "new man" under communism will not be like any hitherto known creature. Here's how to book Literature and Revolution paints a portrait of the man Trotsky:

The person will be accepted, finally, seriously harmonize himself … He wants to take possession of a semi-conscious and unconscious processes, and then in his own body: breathing,blood circulation, digestion, fertilization — and, to the extent necessary, to submit to their control of the mind and will of the human race …, frozen homo sapiens, again go on a radical treatment and will — under their own fingers — the object of the most complicated methods of artificial selection and psycho-physical training … Man sets itself purpose … to create a higher socio-biological type, if you will — Superman … Man will be much stronger, smarter, thinner. His body — harmonious, rhythmic movement, the voice more musical … The average human type will rise to the level of Aristotle, Goethe and Marx. Above this ridge new peaks will rise.

Is it for the sake of such an ideal is not worth the sacrifice pitiful creatures inhabiting a decaying world? From this perspective, the present humanity — nothing like garbage and waste from the doomed world, and the destruction it is not contraindicated.

The unprecedented destruction of human lives was accompanied by a strong attack on freedom of speech, which was intended to create the illusion of full unity: Together with the destruction and imprisonment of bodies, minds and taken away. Lenin himself did not show any respect for the views different from his own, his first decree after coming to power, demanded the closure of all non-bolshevikPrint. It has not yet been able to implement this measure, but in the summer of 1918, he not only closed all independent newspapers, but also all non-partisan periodicals. In 1922, he established the central institution of censorship, called Glavlit. Nothing could appear in print or on stage without his permission.

However, in the 1920s, some intellectual freedom is still permitted. Early Soviet censorship, like the royal, was by its very nature denies, in other words, it is established that can not be printed, but the authors did not attempt to specify what they should write. In the 1930s, the policy changed: Censorship was affirming in the sense that it was the author points out, what and how they should be written. All the negative information about the country suppressed — unless the authorities were not required to make public a part of it. Trips abroad were restricted and only permitted officials to ordinary citizens any contact with foreigners have been fraught with the risk of being suspected of spying. Foreign newspapers, except for the pro, not sold.

The unimaginable monotony descended on Soviet culture. "Socialist Realism" was the official aesthetic doctrine in 1932, he demanded that the writers were treated to the present, "as if it did not exist, and for the future as if it is already here"

As a result, everything that was printed, was put on stage, filmed or broadcast on the radio, in no way different realism: it was surreal. People have adapted to this state by splitting his mind and personality, driving himself in a schizophrenic situation in which the same level they knew the truth, but put his knowledge and shared it only with family members and friends, on the other — pretending that they believe every word official propaganda. Create tensions that can make life in the Soviet Union, it is difficult to be staked.

And it left a legacy of mental, survived communism. Lying has become a means of survival, and the lies to scam only one step. Public ethics, which makes possible the existence of civil society has eroded, and the regime that required all sacrifice self-interest for the common good, was over the fact that all were thinking only of themselves, because they could not count on anyone else.

One of the facets of the Great Terror was a "cult" of Stalin, as this phenomenon was called afterwards. In fact it was the deification of Stalin: he was omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, infallible, and remained so until his death in 1953. When he criticized the new opera, the composer fell prostrate. When he spoke out onquestions of linguistics, philology silent. At the party congress delegates competed with each other, extolling the greatness of the "leader", but he modestly sat nearby, listening to these eulogies. Osip Mandelstam, widely recognized as one of the best Russian poets of the century, paid with his life for a poem about the dictator, where were these lines:

His thick fingers like worms, fat,
And words like pudovye weights are correct.
Cockroach laugh usischa
And it shines tops.
A rag-tag around his thin-necked leaders
He plays the services of half-humans.
Who whizzes who myauchit who whines,
He alone babachit and pokes.
How to forge a horseshoe for decree decree —
Who in the groin, who in his forehead, to whom the nail someone in the eye.
Whatever punishment he — then raspberries.

One possible explanation for the deification of leaders, common to most of the communist regimes, is that because the omnipotence and omniscience are universal qualities of deities, it is natural to ascribe personality endowed with these qualities, divine traits.

Glorification led to an increasing detachment from reality Stalin. Surrounded by sycophants, he did not know the true situation of his kingdom. Fearing attempts on his life, he traveled the country, and get an idea of her life from a specially-written film in which, according to his apprentice and later successor, Nikita Khrushchev, farmers were sitting at the table, "sag under the weight of geese and turkeys."

The only institution who knew the true situation in the country had a secret police, the Cheka series bearing the title (1917-22), GPU and OGPU (1922-34), the NKVD (1934-54) and the KGB (1954-91). This was the main instrument of terror, which had an unusually wide latitude to kill all the enemies of the regime, the real, potential, fictional. The agency also ruled a vast empire forced-labor camps. Having dealt with all the manifestations of public opinion, the government has received information about the mood in the society of the secret police, gather information through a wide network of agents and informers. In many ways in recent years, Stalin's security agencies have usurped the powers conferred on Lenin's Communist Party.

Stalin was the first of the Communists, who have realized and put himself at the service of the political potential of Russian nationalism. Marxismconsidered nationalism in all its forms as a tool that uses the bourgeoisie to distract the masses from their main task of the class struggle. Lenin himself patriotic feelings were alien. Rather, he even had contempt for their own people, of whom he spoke in a confidential correspondence in such derogatory terms as "Soviet rogues and scoundrels." He once told Maxim Gorky that "clever Russian is almost always a Jew or person with Jewish blood in his veins."

Another thing Stalin. Close contact with the staff convinced him that nationalism and xenophobia are a warm response in the country than the vague idea of world communism. So he began, gently at first, then with increasing frankness identify with Russian chauvinism, purposefully removing from the Soviet regime, while very popular in Russia and abroad suspicions that communism is in the interest of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy. Rough anti-Semite, he systematically eliminated Jews from public office. During his alliance with Hitler, he promised Ribbentrop, Hitler's Minister of Foreign Affairs, which will remove the Jews from all leadership positions as soon as they podyschet suitable replacement of Russian. Shortly before his death he had planned deportation of the Jewish population to Siberia.

In 1934, after Hitler came to power, Stalin ordered an overhaul of the party line on the issue of Russian patriotism. Condemned before love of country was actively promoted, and the teaching of history, which, in accordance with a kind of Marxist tradition until then focuses on the class struggle, it was at the forefront of output reaching Russia in matters of war and peace. By the time of Stalin's death, Soviet communism disappeared in Russian nationalism, his prestige mode, they say, was obliged to victory in World War II and the subsequent success, leadership in the creation of intercontinental missiles and space programs, the attainment of the Soviet Union the status of a great power equal to the United States of America . And until now experienced by Russian nostalgia for the Soviet Union stems not from the love of his inner structure — that is to communism — but almost exclusively from the memories of how nice it was to know that others respect your country and are afraid of it.

It's time to wonder if there was a twenty-five year dictatorship of Stalin, naturally, that is inevitable, consequence of the regime established by Lenin, or an accident, which enabled the psychopath use revolution. In Stalin, of course, view the clinical signs of paranoia, megalomania and sadism, later it was confirmed by some of his closest associates. However, it should be borne in mind that he was succeeded by Lenin, not by a palace coup, and methodically, step by step, supported by the party itself. It was her choice. Historians claim that Lenin's mission was to be transferred to Trotsky or Bukharin, ignore the fact that, sympathizing with both of them, Lenin saw in them worthy successors. Despotic power that was used by Stalin, was presented to him by Lenin. It was Lenin who introduced the mass terror of hostage-taking and concentration camps, that he considered the law and the court as "the embodiment and legitimization" of terror, that he adopted the Articles 57 and 58 of the Penal Code with a variety of sub-items, which are used for the destruction of Stalin and imprisonment of millions of innocent citizens . It was Lenin who led the party to adopt a resolution prohibiting "factionalism" that allowed Stalin to get rid of all do not agree with, as from "deviationist". Personal dictatorship was the affiliation system created by Lenin, although he personally preferred to act in a more collegial manner. The words "The Party is always right" is a very small distance to the assertion that "the leader of the party is always right." And as soon as this principle takes root, the question of what methods will be authoritarian leadership, depends only oncircumstances.

Vyacheslav Molotov served as Lenin and Stalin on the most important posts longer than any other Bolshevik. When asked in his old age, which of the two was the more "severe", he replied without hesitation: "Of course, Lenin … I remember when he accused Stalin of softness and liberalism." This should put an end to the myth that spread first Trotsky, then Khrushchev, like Stalinism meant a rejection of Leninism.

Second World War unleashed Germany, intending to take revenge for the defeat in 1918 and conquer Europe. However, the Soviet Union, based on their own considerations contributed to the aggressive plans of Hitler and encouraged him, and therefore bears a significant share of the responsibility for this most terrible of wars.

The failure to foment revolution in Europe ended catastrophic Polish campaign, convinced the Soviet leadership that hopes to spread the communist system to communicate with the ray of a new world war. In January 1925, Stalin said: "The struggle, conflicts and wars between our enemies — is … our greatest ally" … They, "of course, are the greatest support of our government and our revolution." Referring to the inevitability of a new world conflict, he added ominously, "But if the warbegins, then we do not have to sit back — we will have to act, but to act last. And we will come out to throw the decisive weight on the scales … ".

Following these considerations, the Soviet Union since the early 1920s and until 1933, secretly collaborated with the German military, helping them overcome the constraints imposed by the Versailles Treaty, which prohibits or severely limits the production of German tanks, aircraft, submarines and poison gas. Moscow allowed the Germans to produce and test the weapons on its territory, and the Germans, in turn, invited the officers of the Red Army in the course of the General Staff, where he developed the strategy and tactics of Blitzkrieg. (In the Navy Soviet Union also actively collaborated with the fascist Italy.)

These considerations also explains why in 1932-33, Stalin helped Hitler to come to power by prohibiting the German Communists to unite with the Social Democrats against the Nazis in the parliamentary elections (see Ch. 4.) German Social Democrats took a pro-Western stance. The Nazis, Stalin argued, though are vicious anti-Communists, but direct their aggression against the Western democracies, leaving the Soviet Union alone. This way of thinking was behind his decision to sign with Berlin in August 1939, an agreement onNon-aggression, to which was attached a secret protocol to divide Poland between Russia and Germany. Obviously, he hoped that the repeated war of attrition 1914-18, which resulted in the "capitalist" belligerents so weakened that the USSR, almost without resistance, the conquest of Europe. After the partition of Poland between Germany and the USSR Molotov, Stalin's closest confidant person who signed in as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the non-aggression pact, gave a speech in which that struck France and England for the fact that they are at war with Germany, said that "the ideology of Nazism , like any other ideological system, can be made or rejected: it is a matter of political judgment. " Communist parties everywhere pointed to consider Britain and France reactionaries and aggressors. This policy was a miscalculation.

When in 1940 Hitler's armies defeated the forces of the Allies in France, and then began the occupation of much of the European continent, Stalin entered into a real alliance with Nazi Germany, providing it with food, metals and other strategic materials. He even passed into the hands of some of Hitler's German communists who had taken refuge in the Soviet Union. So it seemed likely that Hitler would continue this profitablecooperation with Moscow that Stalin ignored the warnings issued by the allies and his own intelligence that the Germans had concentrated troops in Poland to attack the Soviet Union.

The Red Army, which by cleansing was left without its most experienced officers, and which also banned prepare for the German aggression suffered in the first months of the war a staggering losses in manpower and technology, millions of Red Army soldiers were taken prisoner.

After recovering from the shock, Stalin led the defense of the country. Any pretense that the country is fighting for communism, it was quickly discarded: calling upon the religion and the military glory of imperial times, the country called on to fight for the "Holy Russia." Resistance, at first seemed hopeless, gave force strategic miscalculations of Hitler and barbaric actions of the aggressors. To avoid repeating mistakes of Napoleon, went straight to Moscow, Hitler turned a large group to the north, to Leningrad, and the other — to the south, in the direction of Kiev. In these operations, the Wehrmacht took many more prisoners, but lost precious time, and when resumed, after all, the promotion of the capital, it was the winter, and the offensive ran out of steam. Russian and Ukrainian, among whom there were many at first greeted the arrival of the Germans, soon realized that the Nazis were notfree them from the Communists, and draw in even more cruel slavery. They showed tremendous courage and resilience, fighting with the enemy, greatly exceed their weapons. The war on the Eastern Front, in the end, broke the backbone of the German army, and determined the outcome of the Second World War. The victory was achieved at a terrible price. The commanders of the Red Army did not spare the soldiers by throwing them into battle, regardless of losses. Major battles usually cost hundreds of thousands of Red Army casualties. During the defense of Kiev in the summer of 1941 killed 616,000 soldiers during the offensive in the Donbass two years later — 661000. According to the calculations of foreign scientists, the total losses of the Soviet Union in the war amounted to 20 million people, 8.7 million of them were killed in the fighting. Military losses in three times higher than the loss of the Germans on the eastern front (2.6 million). About 5 million Soviet soldiers were captured, of which 1.6 to 3.6 million died in German captivity from malnutrition, were shot or died in the gas chambers.

Prize of war Stalin were territorial conquest. Soviet forces occupied almost all the countries of Central and Eastern Europe with a population of about 90 million people, surpassing the population of France and West Germany combined, and set them in the communist regimes. Also became communist Yugoslavia and Albania.

Even more impressive was the fact that the Chinese Communists with whom Moscow for 25 years, coupled with mixed feelings of love and hate, defeated in the civil war of the Kuomintang troops, who were supported by the United States, and in 1949 won control of the whole territory of China . The spread of communism in the rest of the world seemed only a matter of time.

The Second World War was the only event in the history of the Soviet Union, which united the people and the state, "After the German attack in June 1941 for the first time in Soviet history, official statements coincided with the truth: the Germans were brutal aggressors, the people really had to fight for survival." The war gave the communist regime, as the defender of the people, that legitimacy that it lacked before. But the widespread hope that as a result of such consolidation Stalin soften its rule and give more freedom to the people, did not materialize. In recent years it has remained to him was not going to give up anything.

The death of Stalin, his successors put in a difficult position. They understood that they must renounce the mad dictator and his disastrous policies, but at the same time they had to keep the system, which heled for almost thirty years, because of their power and privileges were provided only by her. They solved the problem by re-tying the communism of Lenin. In 1956, in a secret report to the Twentieth Party Congress, the first after the death of Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev, first secretary of the new, exposed some of the crimes committed by Stalin against the communist nomenklatura. As a result of these revelations of Stalin quickly became a nobody, his body was removed from the mausoleum where he was lying next to Lenin, Stalingrad was renamed Volgograd, and efficiency, which the Soviet bureaucracy could rightly be proud of his many portraits, statues and city names in his honor disappeared. Everything pointed to the fact that three decades of Stalin's rule was a grand mistake, although attempts to explain this "error" no one has made. Because there were only two possible solutions, and both seemed unacceptable, either the materialist theory of Marx is wrong, but the story is ultimately determined by politics and politicians, or the Soviet Union was a state built on the principles of Marxism.

Anti-Stalin campaign was a bold and perhaps even a necessary step, but it undermined the legitimacy of the regime that has made possible the massive crimes: Khrushchev's revelations marked the beginning of a slow but steady process of addressing the arguments in justificationCommunism.

To compensate for the de-Stalinization and breathe new life into the system, Khrushchev began to deify Lenin so outrageous that it even survived the collapse of the Soviet Union. In 1999, the request to name the ten greatest men in the history of the world, Russian put on top of Peter I, and the third, after Pushkin and Lenin. (The fourth, in spite of all the efforts of Khrushchev, Stalin was.)

Freed from the Stalinist terror, the nomenclature has secured a joy of life, which, in her view, because it relied heavy burden of responsibility and a high position. She escaped with astonishing speed from the control of the governing party organs.

Khrushchev was to some extent mitigated the regime of the late dictator, without changing its basic institutions and laws: the preserved as one-party rule, and the ubiquitous secret police and censorship. However, the life of Soviet citizens became much easier. Millions of prisoners of concentration camps came loose. Many of the victims of repression have been rehabilitated, which could already help themselves but make life easier for their families. Again were allowed limited contact with foreigners. More foreign nationals to obtain visas to enter the USSR, Soviet citizens were moreopportunity to go abroad. Jamming of foreign shortwave radio broadcasts continued as before, but it was not as thorough, and the Soviet people could get more realistic information about life abroad and within the country.

As a result of all these processes have opened the eyes of people. In 1970, Mikhail Gorbachev, has held a high position in the Communist hierarchy, when he had the opportunity to visit Italy, France, Belgium and West Germany. He was stunned by what he saw — not only the standard of living in the West, but also reached there civic culture. That is why it has been shaken, "… the old belief in the superiority of the socialist system over bourgeois democracy": "We were amazed at the openness and tranquility of the people, who were met — he recalls in his memoirs — admired their free judgment about everything, including the the activities of their governments, national and local politicians. " Likewise, his future rival, Boris Yeltsin, the first elected head of the sovereign Russian state, was impressed by the 1989 trip to the United States. It was for him "an endless series of crashes," the stereotypes and preconceived ideas. When visiting a supermarket in Houston, he expressed his feelings engulfed aloud: "What have they done with ourpoor people! ". What he saw, he thought his companion, Yeltsin destroyed the remnants of the communist faith. It turned out that Stalin was right: the system can only survive in conditions of complete isolation of the people, including senior officials from the outside world.

With regard to foreign policy, Stalin's successors rethink the strategy of confrontation and rejected, concluding that capitalism did not floundering on the brink of collapse: sixty years after the prophecy of Eduard Bernstein's Politburo took his thesis that socialism will triumph not as a result of the revolution and not through war, but by peaceful means. The new slogan was "peaceful coexistence." Foreign Communists received instructions about education coalitions not only with the national bourgeoisie Third World, but also with the Socialists, whom Lenin considered the worst enemies of communism.


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