Russian philosophers. Issue 2: SG Kordonsky

Simon Gdalevich Kordonsky — very interesting figure, I would say the sign. After all, rarely meet a person who would be able to grow their own sociological theory (and even entire social philosophy), relying on their own field research. Actually, it all started with the fact that the supervisor Kordonsky (name I do not remember), executing an order from Moscow, nakosyachil, and therefore sent the disciples to understand what went wrong. That's Simon Gdalevich, he said, and he saw that the reality is very different from how it used to be considered in the USSR. Moreover, it was not subject to all of the known sociological theories. And so was born the theory Kordonsky, however, before we talk about it, I would like to say a few words about his technique — the so-called "fan-like array. "

 Their essence is that we take a set of concepts that must comprehensively describe this phenomenon, and then divide them, as it were "along". That is, the division of lines — structural (by rows written part of the phenomena), a column — Functional (from what point of view the phenomenon described). In the end, it looks like this:

As we can see in lines contain levels of reality (Declared, real and "in fact"), in columns — a way to describe the level. As a result, the diagonal — it is actually the levels of reality itself, and the remaining cells — an attempt to describe the level is not peculiar to it means. For example, we have a kind of the declared state of affairs, in reality, we can see that the declared this reality does not match, and in fact we implicitly understand that the declared untrue to the end just can not (though not talking about it).

So Gdalevich Simon saw that reality differed sharply from that party sent from above. To somehow make that at Kordon, was to "vsamdelishnye" level, it took years, but the result was more than interesting. So, there are some robust group of people, each of which delivers the results of its work in the same center, and then it gets out of resources. These groups are spread across the country (and quite a few), their relative position to each other is determined by those to whom they hand over their work and in return receive. Such groups Kordonsky called "estates" (the quotes are applicable, as to the real estates that could have nothing to do). Accordingly, the most important resource — it is power, it can convert to all other species.

For modern Russia "estate" receiving "power resource" (ie administrative staff) look like this:

Nonweak plate, is not it? According to her, we have 8 levels of administrative-territorial division. This is despite the fact that only recognized three (federal, provincial, municipal), and at the municipal level is no formal hierarchy is not. In fact — is, and this is clearly seen from the difference in the amount of power. That is why the federal city of de facto above the rest of the regions — they got their hands on more and powers of municipalities.

Thus, the 8-level diagonal — this was the "vertical of power." Naddiogonalnaya part — it is civil servants who report the appropriate level (that is written in a row) and are in the other (that is written in the column). Subdiagonal part — are areas that are subject to the appropriate level of management (especially the fact that there are central offices of the relevant bodies and institutions). In this non-public submission to the municipalities in general are not reflected in the modern Russian legislation (although it was present at Kordon, the legislation of the USSR). For example, a small town where there is a nuclear power station, is automatically controlled by the station as its administrative weight is much higher than the city authorities (compare how much closer is an urban settlement to the federal level than usual.)

In the minds of public officials who are dealing with a level of reality, a large piece of subdiagonal does not exist — but in fact they are, though not in the legal. But that's not all. If we begin to see how the country is divided into districts, we see that each ministry divides the country in their own way. So, there are federal districts (officially), there is a military district (which they were not the same), there is a county internal forces (in the Ministry of Internal Affairs), there are economic regions (inherited from the Soviet Union, although economic relations between them have survived to this day.) I'm not talking about the power industry, which have their own division. Of course, everyone shares the way he sees fit, but the idea how difficult to collect statistics. With municipal districts — the same story: the courts, the prosecution and the Federal State Statistics do not rely on them, and the "inter-district territory" (for each department — the).

Features of the Russian government can be debated for a long time and it is important that this scheme can detect these problems. It also allows you to charge every cell of the administrative weight (all finally understand who, how many times and to whom should squat). Moreover, it applies not only to the whole country or a single industry, but in any government body. Hypothetically, you can make a "table of ranks", which would reflect the weight of all the administrative posts in the country and their accountability — also the right thing, especially when you consider that such accountability of de jure and de facto, may be different. Another major benefit of this scheme is that through it becomes clear how to reduce the state apparatus — only removal of the entire line and the appropriate column. Any half-hearted measure to nothing lead: the lack of a piece of legislation subdiagonal part did not lead to the disappearance of the corresponding relations.

If you think this scheme and its derivatives all over, you're wrong. Next comes the fun (and controversial) in philosophy Kordonsky. See if the whole system is built on the distribution of resources (though scarce), each "class" must constantly knock them out of the center, using these or other tricks. In addition, each "class" always takes more than it needs, and the center gives you less than you need (at the very center Potbelly is not unlimited). But just such a powerful "estates" necessary from time to time align the interests — some problems can not be delayed, even if center does not give them money. That's the source of what we call corruption — just need to transfer money from one fund to another line. Of course, themselves while officials have not forgotten, but such transfers do primarily for the performance of their duties. For such situations, there are even two terms — bribery (this is when the officer "does not forget," and "accept gifts") and extortion ("Not in the order of stealing!"). As you can see, the fight against this kind of corruption is not just pointless, but even harmful (money transfer, it is still necessary). However, this logic implies that a certain class to receive "soslovnuyu rent" only for their position — and it is already close to that to introduce separate laws and courts for each "class" (it will underline their status)

But that's not all. Each such "estate" is tied to the place from which it receives the resources and supply lines on which these resources are going. This is clearly seen in the USSR: workers of various industries were eligible zatarivatsya in specialty stores, and then, through the Institute of cronyism, redistributing goods purchased. Thus, the shelves were empty, and refrigerators were scored. Large-scale industry is concerned, even to a greater extent: the industry is exchanged between the products in accordance with directives from the top, and the money was only a measure of the value (to account). In this respect, Kordon, Russia still does not make money — it creates resources which directs the performers (public money — it permission to obtain resources for a specific job). Money for Kordon, is obtained when the output of the company capital in the offshore, and then return them back to an investment — over such funds are no longer dominates the article about the "misappropriation". Therefore, in Kordon, foreign investment is so important: they add to the economy of free money that does not depend on what they want to spend. In other words, the kind of money — the key to the freedom of action of business.

But that's not all. Since resources are limited, and the power resource is limited particularly, each "bar" strives to consolidate the status quo (that, God forbid, do not cut off from the current feeder): indeed, especially when the distribution of scarce resources much more likely to decrease than increase. That's why, at Kordon, "estate" as fastened to the territory and the place of work, or even post ("Can a general's son to become a marshal? No: Marshal is your son!"). Because of this, there is an interesting perception of time, addressed solely to the past. The past is always relevant, describe the classics like our reality, and all the troubles we have, because sometime in the past we have gone down the wrong path. So that everything goes well, we should go back and correct deficiencies. And because the past is always relevant, and then return will not have to — fix it right here. In the situation a little better are those associated with the hardware work: they do not pay attention to the past because the related current work. And for the future in such a system, no one is paying attention.

This is what determines the political structure of the "birth" of society: the supreme arbiter is needed that helps branches of the economy and align the interests of management at the highest level (this is the king's father), and there are closed meeting where representatives of these industries, location-specific, coordinate their interests (this district, city, regional committees etc. Lots). No politics as a democratic electoral process and then just not be provided — a purely administrative decision (vertical and horizontal) at each level. And most importantly — no understanding of how things work (just look at the faces, as had been arranged before) and what happens (statistics — the same with the interests of the industry, like all the rest). Ideal of the "birth" of society — the Soviet Union during the Cold War (from Khrushchev and more).

Is it possible for Kordon, alternative? Yes: it's "class" society. Again, there are quotation marks because such "classes" — a group of people resistant differing with respect to consumption (in terms of volume and in terms of content). The stability of these groups so high that people may be within the same class generations. And since such a system is not tied to the distribution of resources from the top, but only for personal consumption, it follows its characteristics (again, according to the Kordon)

1) The free market (everyone should have the opportunity to find themselves what they want to consume, in exchange for which he produced)

2) Focus on the future (for a free market need to plan ahead, and what happened — is not so important)

3) The equality of all before the law (rules of engagement in the market should be the same — it's easier)

4) Availability of the system when there are classes that save, there are classes that are squandering, and have a bank system that redistributes money so that everyone had enough and none of his lost.

5) Availability of politics as the struggle of three major trends — conservative (constantly going through the past), centrist (paid to current affairs) and progressivist ("We are the, we construct a new world"). The presence of all three currents means that any social event can have several conflicting points of view, which contributes to a deeper study of the processes taking place in society.

6) The presence of the two main political parties — the one representing the interests of the budget, the other — spending.

7) Availability of parliament, where the interests of the agreement between rich and poor (party and ideological affiliation is secondary).

8) An independent court (trial judge — to mediate in a dispute between two equal sides, the rest does not concern him)

9) Federalism, ie levels of government are not accountable to each other. In other words, the population would be employed as people who solve problems of small, medium and large areas in the affairs of each other (as in the case of the population) did not climb.

Accordingly, an example of this — it's the U.S. during the Cold War (now at Kordon, is rapidly becoming a "social class" state).

If you compare the two systems, the output Kordonsky does this: there is no heaven, all their problems. However, no matter how he tried to conceal it, he, in my opinion, is rather on the side of the "class" of society. At least, perhaps, because it somehow involves the development of and commitment to the future, as well as the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity.

Because I am aware of where I wrote this article and how to treat it readers, I would like to make a few comments of his own. First, all of these ideas have been what is called a "grown from the soil," so have a very high confidence about what is happening here and now. The problems start when on the basis of this far-reaching conclusions, since, again, the level of "really" meant only implicitly, not declared. Second, Kordonsky superbly revealed the essence of the administrative hierarchy, which, in one form or another, are everywhere — in the "caste" and "class" companies. Because of his work can make the managerial implications of which are different to guess it would be extremely difficult. And third, most importantly, it allows you to get rid of many minuses "solovnogo" society. Let me explain.

When Kordonsky said that the whole structure is shown to them by anyone is not aware, he was asked: Maybe I should actively communicate it to the public servants? He said that he is not: if you will reflect on the state machinery at his own work, he can not work ("Dilemma centipede"). Then he asked a reasonable question: "And what you do is tell the students?"He answered honestly,"And I do not know. "Since he does not" know, "I say instead. Such a" birth "of society have 3 big problems: the difficulty of the transition of people between the" estates ", the low reliability of the information, which is distributing the resources center, and the desire to destroy independent subjects (those who are themselves outside the hierarchy). biggest, perhaps, is the second problem: The unit does not see how he constructed his device and creates the problems it tries to solve. Additionally, the unit is constantly trying to describe the reality imposed by outside of the terms and points of view that does not add clarity. So, this problem can solve just ideas Kordonsky if their best to disseminate and make them the subject of a public discussion and considera
tion in the state apparatus. course, we can not influence the what officials think, but do quite a stated ideas can make a part of a broad public debate. Why us and wish.


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